Literature Knowledge Base

Abstract How and to what extent can populism emerge in a new democracy where strong populism politics has not previously existed? Contrary to earlier findings that the effects of populism on voting have been minimal in South Korea, the 2022 presidential campaigns were marked by populism rhetoric and mobilisations, raising questions about the sudden rise of populism politics. This paper argues that even in a new but consolidated democracy that has been relatively free from the threat of populism, populism can influence elections when politicians mobilise economic grievance and political dissatisfaction, and when voters with latent populist attitudes resonate with such appeals. To support this argument, this paper analyses all official campaign speeches and assesses their level of populist rhetoric with holistic grading methods. Quantitative analysis of pre- and post-election surveys shows that, while populist attitudes did not significantly influence vote choice before the campaign, voters with stronger populist attitudes were more likely to vote for the candidate who delivered more populist speeches after the campaign began. These findings demonstrate that populist voting can be activated even in political contexts without a strong historical presence of populism.

본 연구는 사회적 소외감이 유권자의 포퓰리즘 성향 형성에 어떠한 영향을 미치는지를 2021년 한국 사례를 중심으로 분석하는 것을 목적으로 한다. 기존 포퓰리즘 연구가 지도자나 정당 중심의 공급 측면에 주로 초점을 맞추어 온것과 달리, 본 연구는 개인 수준의 수요 측면에 주목하여 사회적 소외감이 포퓰리즘적 태도를 설명하는 하나의 핵심 요인으로 작동하는지 분석한다. 이를 위해 정치, 경제, 사회문화적 차원의 불만족으로 구성되는 사회적 소외감이 높을수록 포퓰리즘 성향이 강화될 것이라는 가설을 설정하였다. 분석에는 2021년한국종합사회조사(KGSS) 자료를 활용하였으며, 다중회귀분석을 통해 사회적 소외감의 영향을 검증하였다. 또한, 사회불신과 개인적 고립·단절 변수를 통제함으로써 사회적 소외감이 갖는 독립적 설명력을 확인하고자 하였다. 분석결과, 사회적 소외감은 포퓰리즘 성향과 통계적으로 유의미한 양(+)의 관계를 보였다. 이러한 결과는 포퓰리즘을 지도자 전략이나 정치적 동원의 산물로 이해하는 것뿐만 아니라, 개인의 주관-인식론적 소외감과 연결된 태도적 성향으로 파악할 필요가 있음을 시사한다. 본 연구는 포퓰리즘 연구의 분석 수준을 개인 차원으로 확장하고, 수요 측면 설명을 경험적으로 보완하였다는 점에서 의의를 갖는다.

This study investigates the potential intervention of AI-generated comments in online political news discussions and examines their implications for democratic discourse. Using comment data collected from the 20th Korean presidential election (2022), we built a classification model to distinguish between human-written and AI-generated comments. AI-generated comments were produced using Google Gemini 2.5 Flash and OpenAI GPT-4, and Korean-specific pretrained language models such as KoELECTRA and KcELECTRA were employed for training. Experimental results show that the KcELECTRA model achieved an accuracy of over 99%. Applying the trained model to comment data from the 21st presidential election (2025) revealed that approximately 1.46% to 3.80% of the comments were classified as AI-generated. This finding indicates that artificial intervention using generative AI was present in the electoral discourse, though the detected rate likely represents a minimum estimate. As one of the first empirical studies to analyze AI intervention in the context of a national election, this work underscores the importance of advancing detection techniques and continuous monitoring to safeguard fair and transparent public opinion formation in the era of generative AI.

대한민국 헌법은 대통령으로 하여금 전시ㆍ사변 또는 이에 준하는 국가비상사태 에 있어서 병력으로써 군사상의 필요에 응하거나 공공의 안녕질서를 유지할 필요 가 있을 때에는 법률이 정하는 바에 의하여 계엄을 선포할 수 있도록 규정하고 있 다. 그러나 과거 계엄선포에 따른 비상시국에 주어진 권한을 남용하는 등 문제가 있었음에도 불구하고 계엄법상 군내 뿐만 아니라 민간 수사기관과 법원조직까지도 계엄사령부 지휘감독 아래 있다 보니 견제가 제한되고 권한의 남용에 따른 기본권 침해 행위에 대하여서도 감독이 어려운 측면이 있다. 더구나 과거와 같이 국회, 대 통령 등이 제 역할이나 기능이 발휘되지 못할 경우 계엄사령관 등의 권한 남용행 위를 견제한다는 것이 법체계상으로 어렵다는 점에서 향후 동일 위법 사례가 재발하지 않도록 이에 대응하는 독립 수사, 조사기관 및 이들이 견제기능이 제대로 발 휘되기 위한 관련 법령개정 소요에 대하여 검토하기로 한다. 본 논문은 ① 헌법상 대통령의 계엄선포권의 법적 의미와 한계에 대해서 살펴보고, ②｢계엄법｣상 비상 계엄시 통제대상인 행정, 사법기관 범위, ③ 고위공직자범죄수사처 및 국가인권위 원회의 계엄사령부 견제 기능 보장 검토에 대한 학설과 이론 및 헌법재판소 결정 및 판례를 살펴본 후 관련 법령개정의 필요성을 제시하는 것을 논문의 목적으로 한다.

This study analyzes the trends of factors influencing voting behavior and decisions based on voters' candidate decision factors for local elections in 2002, 2006, 2010, 2014, 2018, and 2022. The research results are summarized as follows. First, it can be seen that the timing of candidate decisions is getting somewhat faster as the election progresses. Second, when looking at political parties, people, and pledge factors as criteria for voting decisions, political party factors are the most important influencing factors recently. Third, election problems include election indifference, a proliferation of candidates, and regional conflict, and election improvement plans emphasize attracting voter interest and participation, developing feasible policies, and improving candidate qualifications and abilities. The creation of an election environment in which voters' interest in local elections can be increased and sufficient information can be easily provided to make reasonable voting choices must be established first. In the future, it is necessary to apply the Korean-style local election model, and political party factors were emphasized as a criterion for local voters' candidate selection decisions, and the establishment of a desirable local election culture was promoted through revitalization of local autonomy, creation of an election environment, improvement of regionalism, and localization of the election system. Although it is not easy to develop a standard model for Korean local elections, follow-up research is needed to generalize and standardize voters' candidate selection models for local elections.

국회에서는 매년 5,000건 이상의 법안이 발의되며, 이 중 평균 35%가 본회의를 통과하여 법률로 성립된다. 법안이 발의되고 본회의를 통과하기까지는 평균 1~2년이 소요되므로, 법안의 통과 가능성을 미리 예측하는 것은 법안을 발의한 국회의원과 관련 정책 이해관계자에게 중요한 정보를 제공할 수 있다. 이는 정책의 실효성과 입법 과정의 효율성을 높이는 데 기여할 수 있다.BR/ 본 연구에서는 20~21대 국회에서 발의된 총 45,248건의 법안에 대해 본회의 통과 결과에 영향을 미치는 요인을 법안을 발의한 국회의원 중심으로 분석하였다. 전통적인 선형 회귀 모형과 머신러닝 기법을 활용한 결과, 법안 발의자가 소속된 상임위원회와 법안의 소관 상임위원회가 일치할 경우 법안가결에 긍정적인 영향을 미치는 것으로 나타났다. 또한, 비례대표, 여당 소속, 재선 및 삼선 국회의원이 11명에서 20명의 동의를 얻어 발의하는 경우 법안 반영 가능성이 높아지는 것으로 분석되었다.BR/ SHAP 분석 결과, 법안 통과에 영향을 미치는 주요 요인은 동일 소관 상임위원회, 국회의원 선수, 공동 발의자 수, 여당·야당 소속 여부, 교섭단체 여부, 선출 방식 여부 순으로 나타났다. 이러한 분석 결과를 바탕으로, 국민의 대의기관인 국회의 민주적이고 효율적인 운영에 기여하고, 국민의 대표자를 선출하는 국회의원 선거에서 올바른 선택을 위한 정보를 유권자에게 제공하는 등의 정책적 시사점을 제시하였다.

This study investigated the satisfaction level by comparing the before and after of the housing support project for improving the accommodation environment, which has been controversial due to poor housing and working conditions, through a housing satisfaction survey of migrant agricultural workers. The analysis results showed that the satisfaction increased due to the reinforcement of heating and cooling facilities, washing and hygiene facilities, and security and locking facilities in the accommodation. In the working conditions survey, the reasons for changing workplaces were long working hours, work intensity, dissatisfaction with wages, nonpayment of wages, dismissal, lack of labor welfare, and violence. In order for workers to settle in their local areas and work in agriculture, efforts are needed by the Ministry of Employment and Labor and employers to change the working environment, and alternatives such as promotion of systems and policies, communication for conflict resolution, interpretation and translation for guidance on the field or risk communication, and customized call centers for local areas to resolve everyday inconveniences are needed. In the long term, education is needed to prevent social prejudice and discrimination, language communication, and gender-based violence. Education for employers to overcome the limitations of 'multicultural society understanding education', 'human rights sensitivity education', and language communication should be provided.

This study analyzes the public safety and security-related pledges made by the elected members of the 22nd National Assembly of South Korea. The pledges of 46 proportional representatives were analyzed using the policy platforms of six political parties and data from the National Election Commission. The pledges of 254 district-elected members were comprehensively reviewed by dividing them into four regions. The analysis was based on three criteria: importance, specificity, and feasibility. The results revealed that the proportion of public safety and security pledges among the major parties' overall pledges was relatively low. Among the parties, the Democratic Party of Korea and the People Power Party received relatively higher evaluations. In contrast, satellite parties and smaller parties were found to lack such pledges. In the district-level pledges, proposals related to the installation of CCTV, expansion of safe-return services, and safety for women and single-person households were common. However, pledges related to cybercrime and drug-related crime were noticeably insufficient. Disaster safety pledges mostly focused on the prevention and response to natural disasters such as floods, while pledges concerning labor safety were found to be lacking. Many pledges lacked specificity and feasibility, and 90 out of the 254 district representatives did not present any public safety or security-related pledges, indicating the need for improvement. It is hoped that these pledges will become realistic and actionable policies that contribute to enhancing public safety.

비례대표 의원은 원칙적으로 전국적 의제와 전문성에 기반한 의정활동을 수행해야 하지만, 현실에서는 차기 선거에서의 지역구 출마를 모색하며 지역대표성을 부각하는 데 집중하는 경향을 보여 비례대표제의 왜곡이 지적받고 있다. 이에 본 연구에서는 제20･21대 국회 비례대표 의원의 상임위원회 회의록 텍스트를 수집･분석하고 지역대표성을 각 지역 언급 빈도와 집중도로 측정한 뒤 로짓 분석을 통해 공천･당선 여부와의 상관관계를 검증하였다. 분석 결과 지역 언급 빈도가 높을수록 지역구 공천 및 당선 가능성이 유의미하게 증가하였다. 반면 특정 지역에 대한 집중도는 공천 단계에서는 일부 부정적 영향을 주지만 일단 공천을 받은 후에는 당선을 일부 돕는 긍정적 효과를 보였다. 이는 당내 권력구도의 비민주성에서 기인하는 것으로 추측된다. 이러한 결과는 한국의 비례대표제가 당내 권력구도와 선거 전략 사이에서 비례대표 의원들에게 상충된 압박을 가하며 전국적 대표성과 전문성 제고라는 본래의 제도적 취지가 왜곡되고 있음을 시사한다.

이 연구는 21대 국회의원들의 종합부동산세(종부세) 관련 법안 표결 행태를 분석하여 법안 찬반 여부에 영향을 미치는 주요 요인을 규명하는 것을 목적으로 한다. 종부세는 한국 정치에서 지속적으로 논란의 대상이 되어왔으며, 본 연구는 종부세 표결 행태를 소속 정당, 정치적 이념, 지역구 이해관계, 그리고 국회의원의 개인적 이해관계라는 네 가지 주요 변수를 중심으로 분석하였다. 이를 통해 정당소속과 이념적 성향뿐만 아니라 의원 개인의 이해관계도 종부세 표결에 중요한 영향을 미쳤음을 확인하였다. 구체적으로, 국민의힘 소속 의원들과 보수 성향의 의원들은 종부세 완화 법안에 대해 높은 찬성 경향을 보이는 것으로 나타났다. 또한, 의원 개인의 부동산 재산은 종부세 완화 법안에 대한 찬성 가능성을 높이는 요인으로 작용하였다. 반면, 지역구민의 주택 가격이나 종부세 납부 비율 등 지역구의 이해관계는 통계적으로 유의미하지 않은 것으로 분석되었다. 한편, 정당별로 구분하여 살펴본 결과, 더불어민주당은 개별적 이해관계(부동산 재산)에 따라 표결하는 경향이 강했던 반면, 국민의힘 의원들은 당론과 이념적 성향에 따라 표결하는 경향이 강하게 나타났다. 이러한 결과는 대리인이자 수탁자인 국회의원이 실제 정치 과정에서 자신의 사적 이해관계에 따라 입법 활동을 하고 있음을 시사하며, 이에 대한 경각심을 불러일으킬 필요성을 제기한다.

본 연구는 국회의원 입법활동을 단순히 법안 발의 건수로 평가해온 기존 접근의 한계를 넘어, 발의 건수·가결 건수·가결률이라는 다차원적 지표를 통해 입법활동을 분석하였다. 이를 통해 의원 개개인의 입법활동이 양적 노력, 질적 성과, 전략적 효율성이라는 서로 다른 차원에서 어떻게 나타나는지를 규명하고, 나아가 의원들의 입법 패턴을 유형화함으로써 제21대 국회의 입법성과와 정당별 입법전략의 차이를 살펴보는 것을 목적으로 하였다. 분석결과 의원의 선수 효과가 뚜렷하게 나타났는데, 재선 의원의 입법활동과 성과가 가장 활발하였으며, 사선 이상에서는 오히려 감소하는 역U자형 패턴이 확인되었다. 반면, 상임위원장·원내대표 경험과 공동발의자 수는 기대와 달리 성과와 연결되지 않았으며, 특히 공동발의는 실질적 협업보다는 상징적 동원 전략으로 작동하는 경향을 보였다. 나아가 세 지표를 결합하여 의원들의 입법활동을 유형화한 결과, 저활성형, 전략형, 정책형, 퍼포먼스형의 네 가지 유형이 도출되었다. 이 중 저활성형 의원이 가장 많은 비율(28.0%)을 차지하여 입법활동의 전반적 저활성화 경향이 확인되었으며, 정책형 의원은 23.4%에 불과해 실질적 정책 실현 기반의 협소성을 보여주었다. 본 연구는 기존 연구와 달리 발의 건수, 가결 건수, 가결률이라는 세 지표를 전략적 선택의 틀 속에서 결합하여 국회의원 입법활동을 체계적으로 분석했다는 점에서 의미를 찾을 수 있었다.

공천 유형이 선거결과에 영향을 미칠까? 이 연구는 22대 국회의원 지역구 선거에서 국민의힘과 더불어민주당이 공천한 후보를 대상으로, 경선을 통해 선출된 후보가 비경선 과정으로 지명된 후보에 비해 본 선거에서 더 높은 득표율을 획득하는지 경험적으로 분석한다. 공천은 대의민주주의 체제에서 정당이 합법적으로 보유한 독점적 기능이다. 선거에 승리하기 위해 정당은 당의 정체성과 이념에 부합하는 후보를 선정한다. 이에, 정당이 누구를 어떠한 방식으로 공천하는 것이 본 선거 승리에 기여하는 지는 매우 중요한 문제이다. 그 중요성에도 불구하고 공천 유형의 효과에 대한 학술적 연구는 많지 않을 뿐 아니라, 이 주제를 다룬 기존 연구 결과는 일관되지도 않는다. 이 연구의 통계분석 결과는 당내 경선을 통해 선출된 후보들이 비경선 과정을 통해 지명된 후보들에 비해 본 선거에서 더 높은 득표율을 획득했다는 것을 보여준다. 더욱이, 이러한 경선 보너스 효과는 현직 후보보다 비현직 후보에게 더 유의미하게 나타났다. 이 논문은 경선을 통해 정<br/>당의 후보를 공천하면 당내 민주화에 기여할 뿐 아니라 본 선거의 득표율 향상에도 기여할 수 있다는 것을 경험적으로 보여준다. 최근 급증하는 당원의 요구를 반영하기 위해, 정당은 공천 방식으로 경선을 확대할 필요가 있다.

본 연구는 대통령의 ‘정당 권력’을 중심으로 1987년 민주화 직후 대통령-여당 관계를 분석하였다. 이를 위해 대통령 임기 중 치러진 국회의원 선거에서 대통령의 공천권 행사 여부와, 실제 선거 결과를 중심으로 대통령의 정당 권력을 파악하였다. 민주화를 계기로 여당이 누려왔던 선거제도의 이점이 사라지고 지역주의 투표 행태가 등장하면서 여당의 단독 과반 의석 확보가 어려워졌고, 이 시기 대통령들은 야당과의 합당 또는 공동정부 구성 등 정당연합을 통해 안정적인 국정 운영을 도모하였다. 이 과정에서 원내 과반의석은 달성하였으나 정당 기율이 약하거나(노태우, 김영삼), 과반 의석 달성에는 실패하였으나 여당의 정당 기율이 강하게 유지되는 등(김대중) 대통령의 정당 권력이 과거 권위주의 정부 시기에 비해 약화되었다. 그러나 정당 권력의 약화 정도가 크지 않았던 것은 대통령이 여전히 당 총재였기 때문이었다. 또한, 당 총재의 강한 권한은 오히려 임기 말 대통령의 급속한 당내 위상 약화로 이어졌다. 이 시기의 대통령-여당 관계는 권위주의 정부 시기와 이후 시기의 과도기적 성격을 잘 보여주고 있다.

디지털 전환이 ‘AI전환’으로 진화하는 가운데, 복잡한 사회 문제 해결을 위한 협력적 거버넌스의 필요성이 커지고 있다. 본 연구는 국가적 아젠다인 디지털플랫폼정부 구현을 담당하는 디지털플랫폼정부위원회에 주목하여, 위원회 내부의 실질적인 상호작용 구조를 이원모드 네트워크(Two mode Network)분석을 통해 탐색하였다.2022년 9월부터 2024년 7월까지의 회의 참석자와 정책 안건 자료를 활용하여, 연결, 근접, 매개 중심성 지표를 통해 부처 간 협력 구조와 핵심 행위자의 역할을 실증적으로 분석하였다. <br/> 분석 결과, 디지털플랫폼정부위원회, 개인정보보호위원회, 행정안전부, 과학기술정보통신부 등 특정 부처와 위원장 및 분과위원장 등 핵심 행위자들이 높은 중심성을 보이며 조정 및 중개자 역할을 수행하는 것으로 나타났다. 이는 위원회 회의가 단순한 의사결정 기구를 넘어 정책 실행의 실질적 기반으로 기능함과 동시에, 상황별 유연성, 분화된 리더십, 다핵화된 협업이 협력적 거버넌스의 핵심 조건임을 시사한다. 특히, 개인정보보호위원회가 높은 매개 중심성을 보여, 디지털플랫폼정부 전반에서 개인 정보 이슈가 구조적으로 중요한 위치를 차지하고 있음을 확인하였다. <br/> 이러한 실증적 분석은 정부위원회가 정책 집행의 효율성, 혁신성, 집단적 학습을 촉진하는 협력적 거버넌스의 핵심 플랫폼으로 진화하고 있음을 입증한다. 본 연구는 회의 운영의 구조화, 투명성 및 책임성 강화, 성과 기반 피드백 및 학습체계 구축 등의 정책적 함의를 제시한다. 다만, 초기 회의자료 및 제한된 부처만을 분석하여 장기적 효과나 비공식 상호작용, 질적 맥락 등을 반영하지 못한 한계가 있으며, 향후 질적 연구와 확장된 네트워크 분석이 필요하다.

Article 79 (1) of the Public Official Election Act stipulates that candidates for proportional representation members of the National Assembly may not make a campaign speech or interview at an open place for the purpose of providing information on the platform and policy of the political party to which he or she belongs, his or her political views or other necessary matters during the election campaign period. The legislative purpose of the above regulations is to reduce the costs of election campaigns for proportional representatives of the National Assembly and to ensure the efficient management of such campaigns. However, such restrictions are not found in Germany and New Zealand, which adopt a mixed system combining single-member districts and proportional representation. The same is true of Japan, whose election laws are often described as imposing campaign regulations similar to those of Korea. Regarding the constitutionality of Article 79 (1) of the Public Official Election Act, divergent views exist in prior studies. The Constitutional Court of Korea has upheld the provision in three rulings. Nevertheless, dissenting opinions asserting its unconstitutionality have also been presented. This article argues that, considering the constitutional significance of the freedom of election campaigning, the conflict of interests between political majorities and minorities, and the availability of less restrictive alternatives, Article 79 (1) of the Public Official Election Act infringes the freedom of election campaigning and should be deemed unconstitutional. Campaign speeches or interviews at open place are effective means for candidates for proportional representation in the National Assembly to communicate with voters, are campaign methods that political minorities can readily utilize, and provide ordinary voters with essential information about such candidates. It may be acknowledged that elections for proportional representation are, by nature, elections for political parties and that they are conducted on a nationwide scale. However, these circumstances alone cannot justify the complete deprivation of candidates’ freedom of election campaigning as a fundamental right. Rather, the provision reflects a paternalistic intervention by the legislature in candidates’ freedom to choose their campaign methods. Accordingly, it is necessary to seek appropriate alternative measures capable of achieving the legislative purpose without maintaining the current provision.

민주주의 이론은 선거가 권력을 둘러싼 경쟁 과정에서 나타나는 불확실성을 제도화함으로써 갈등을 평화적으로 관리하고, 나아가 승자와 패자가 경쟁을 지속할 수 있는 핵심 메커니즘으로 작동한다고 주장한다. 그러나 최근 한국 사회에서 선거 승리를 위한 정당 간의 경쟁과 패자에 의한 반발이 정치적 갈등을 심화시키고 있음을 고려할 때, 선거가 갈등을 평화적으로 관리하는 메커니즘으로 제대로 작동하고 있는지 의문이다. 이러한 맥락에서 본 연구는 2025년 한국 대통령선거 전후로 수집한 패널조사 자료를 활용하여 선거가 한국 유권자의 정서적 양극화와 인지된 이념적 양극화에 미친 영향에 대해 분석하였다. 분석 결과, 정서적 양극화는 평균적으로 완화되었으나 이는 승자 진영의 ‘관대함’이 아닌 패자 진영의 내집단 호감도 하락에서 기인한 것으로 나타났다. 외집단에 대한 적대적인 태도는 유의미한 변화를 보이지 않았다. 반면, 유권자들이 인식하는 정당 간 이념적 양극화는 감소했으며, 대다수의 유권자들에게서 자신의 위치를 승리 정당(더불어민주당)에 가깝게 조정하는 인지적 수렴(투사) 효과가 관찰되었다. 이러한 결과는 한국에서 선거가 정치적 양극화를 해소하는 메커니즘으로서 갖는 가능성과 한계를 동시에 보여준다.

Language choices are often used to reveal and reflect writers’ perspectives on certain issues, particularly constructed in online news media. Such language choices can affect readers’ stance in evaluating the issues being raised, leading to framing the news. This study aims to reveal the framing of Indonesia’s political dynasty during Indonesia’s regional election in 2024 in online Korean News. This study applied Pan and Kosicki’s framing analysis method to uncover the news construction in three Korean news: Seoul Economic Daily, Kyunghyang Shinmun, and Yonhap News, through syntactical, script, thematic, and rhetorical structures. The analysis results show that the syntactical structures on three news highlights 대규모 시위 (large-scale demonstration) as the main cause of the cancellation of the candidacy. Meanwhile, the script structures are structurally complete, holding all the 5W+1H elements. On the thematic structure, the three Korean news reports surrounded the same issue, the change of regional election law, also using the same pronouns: 장남 (first son) and 차남 (second son) to refer to the main figure being discussed. Lastly, the three news articles have distinctive styles in their rhetorical structures while delivering the information, but still attempt to shape audiences’ opinions through diction, character quotations, and narratives about the integrity or ambition of power. Based on these findings, this study recommends further research by applying a critical discourse analysis approach to unpack the interplay between language use and power relations, concerning with critical issues discussed in online news.

본 논문은 선거 민주주의와 참여 민주주의 이론을 토대로, 미국 위스콘신주 오클레어(Eau Claire)의 사례를 분석하여 참여 민주주의 이론을 한국 지방장치에 적용할 수 있는 가능성을 탐구한다. 선거 민주주의 이론은 시민을 투표자이자 행정 서비스의 소비자로 이해하는 경향이 있다. 시민을 공동 창조자로 보는 참여 민주주의 이론이 한국 지방정부가 직면한 문제를 해결하는 데 적합할 수 있는 근거를 논한다. 이를 위해 오클레어 시의 사례를 살펴보는데, 이곳에서는 지방정부가 시민과 협력하여 의사결정을 위한 참여적 틀을 마련하였고, 민관 협력과 공동 생산자로서의 시민의 참여를 실현하여, 지방정부의 문제를 해결하였다. 오클레어 실험은 한국 지방자치 발전에 주는 정책적 함의는 시민–정부 간 협력적 파트너십 구축, 토론 촉진자의 활용과 양성, 그리고 시민이 공동체의 공동 생산자로서 역할 할 수 있도록 필요한 역량을 제공하는 훈련의 중요성이다.

The article analyses the 2020 National Assembly election in South Korea. It was the first legislative election held after President Park Geun-hye had been successfully impeached, and removed from office, in March 2017. The 2020 election was also the first election after important changes to the electoral law were made in 2019. These changes retained the low level of proportionality of the electoral system, but now allowed parties to establish so-called satellite parties only running for proportional seats. It was the first time, since democratic transition in 1987, that we saw one party establish a supermajority, and the article argues that while changes have been made to the electoral system in the past, the changes made in the lead up to the 2020 election played a significant role in establishing a clear trend towards a dominant two-party system, with increased polarization between the two largest parties also seen in the 2024 election. The article further argues that while a regional voting pattern remains present, in particular in the Honam and Youngnam regions, there has been a shift towards a focus on the swing districts in the greater capital region, and that the move towards a two-party system is likely to continue in future elections unless changes are made to the electoral system.

본 연구는 제21대 국회에서 사회적 관심이 집중된 주요 입법의제를 선정하고, 단점정부와 분점정부, 정당 간 타협 등 정치적 환경과 변수가 입법성과와 법률의안정성·지속성에 미친 영향을 분석한다. 조선일보와 경향신문 사설을 활용해 주요 입법의제를 선별한 결과, 검찰 수사권 제한(검수완박), 중대재해처벌법, 언론중재법, 노란봉투법, 부동산 세제 등 13개 주요 입법의제가 도출되었다. 이 중 7건이가결, 2건이 폐기, 4건이 대통령 거부권 행사로 부결되었다. 문재인 대통령 시기단점정부에서는 다수당 주도의 단독 처리와 합의 처리가 모두 이루어졌으며, 윤석열 대통령 시기 분점정부에서는 일부 법안이 합의처리 됐지만 대통령의 거부권행사로 입법 교착이 빈번했다. 다수당 단독으로 통과된 법률은 선거가 다가오거나 정권이 교체되면서 내용이 뒤집히는 경우가 많았으나, 합의 처리된 법률은 지속성과 안정성이 높았다. 주요 입법의제를 선정하여 분석한 본 연구는 정량적 지표 중심의 국회 성과 평가의 한계를 보완하고 입법정치의 내용과 과정을 분석하여 대통령과 국회, 여당과 야당의 상호작용에 대해 새로운 시각에서 이해할 수 있는 기회를 제공한다.

이 연구는 2024년 발생한 주요 사건을 중심으로 한국 정치를 분석한 국가 리뷰이다. 특히 여기서는 제22대 국회의원 선거를 전후로 한국 정당의 이합집산과 선거 과정 및 선거 결과를 분석하여 집권당인 국민의힘이 참패한 원인과 ‘12.3 친위쿠데타’의 발생 및 실패 원인을 설명하고자 하였다. 이를 통해 이 연구는 국민 여론을 무시한 윤석열 대통령의 독단적인 국정운영에 대한 반감으로 집권당인 국민의힘이 제22대 국회의원선거에서 완패하였으며, ‘여소야대’ 상황에서 각종 개혁 법안과 특검을 추진한 민주당의 공세에 윤석열 대통령이 반복적으로 거부권을 행사하며 맞대응하는 ‘악순환’ 속에서 정당성의 위기에 몰린 그가 정권 유지를 위해 초유의 친위쿠데타를 일으켰지만, 시민들의 저항과 국회의 계엄 해제 의결로 민주주의가 회복될 수 있었다고 주장한다.

Recently, as one measure to address low birth rates and aging populations, discussions have emerged regarding labor migration and marriage migration systems. This has highlighted the issue that the system lacks adequate safeguards for pregnancy and childbirth among foreigners without South Korean nationality. Particularly, the current legal framework alone cannot cover the birth registration of all foreign children, leading to the violation of their fundamental human rights, including the right to birth, education, and health. Accordingly, international organizations have recommended that the Republic of Korea, as a State Party to the Convention on the Rights of the Child, fulfill its obligations. Recently, legislative discussions have been actively pursued domestically through various institutions and organizations, including the National Assembly. The primary significance of a universal birth registration system lies in establishing a public system that verifies the existence of foreign children. It must be designed to encompass all migrant children born in Korea. This is an obligation, not a matter of state discretion. It requires multifaceted efforts: enacting specific legislation on birth registration for foreign children in accordance with international conventions and recommendations; simplifying birth registration procedures; revising the Nationality Act and the Immigration Control and Refugee Recognition Act; and improving social awareness. Accordingly, this paper examines the current status of existing legislation. It then reviews the improvements needed for the pending individual legislative bill on birth registration for foreign children in the 22nd National Assembly, focusing on insights from recommendations by international organizations, including the UN, and legislative examples from other countries. Finally, it presents legislative proposals.

2021년 도입된 자치경찰제의 1기 시･도자치경찰위원회는 일원화 모델의 구조적 한계(예산･인사권 부족)에도 불구하고, 지역 주도성과 협력적 거버넌스를 발휘하여 초기 성과를 창출했다. 이 연구는 제주, 세종, 서울, 부산의 혁신 사례를 분석하여 이러한 성공 메커니즘을 규명했다. 분석 결과, 지역 주도적 리더십, 효과적 협력 거버넌스 구축, 활발한 주민 참여, 문제 해결 중심 접근, 창의적 지역 자원 활용 등이 성공 요인으로 작용했음을 확인했다(예: 제주 동부행복치안센터, 세종 전기자전거 순찰대, 서울 반려견 순찰대, 부산 치안리빙랩･주취해소센터). 그러나 예산･인사권 제약 등 일원화 모델의 근본적 한계는 실질적 지역 주도성 발현과 지속가능한 협력적 거버넌스 구축을 저해하는 요인으로 작용한다. 따라서 제도의 성공적 안착을 위해서는 안정적 재정 확보, 위원회 권한 실질화, 협력 촉진 및 제도화 등과 함께 이원화 모델 도입 등 근본적 개혁 논의가 시급하다.

2021년 말 공직선거법 및 정당법이 개정되어 2022년부터 피선거권 연령은 만 18세, 정당 가입 연령은 만16세로 하향 조정되었다. 이러한 제도 개선은 2020년 1월 선거권 연령이 만18세로 낮추어진 변화(공직선거법 제15조 1항)에 발맞추기 위해 이루어졌다. 본 연구는 피선거권 연령을 만18세, 정당가입 연령을 만16세로 하향 조정한 선거제도 개혁의 실효성을 논리적, 경험적으로 검토하는 것을 목적으로 한다. 본 연구는 비교정치학적 관점에서 유럽 여러 국가들의 선거권과 피선거권 개혁의 목적과 추세를 바탕으로 한국 사회 내 제도 개혁의 특징을 살펴본다. 다음으로 피선거권과 정당가입 연령 조정에 따른 거시적 효과를 제도 개혁 전후 전국지방선거 결과를 비교함으로써 검증한다. 마지막으로 이와 같은 제도 개혁이 개인적 수준에서 한국 유권자들 사이에 어떻게 받아들이고 있는지를 설문조사 자료를 활용하여 검증한다.

In August 1948, North Korea held an election for the Supreme People’s Assembly, essentially a symbolic legislature with no real authority. The regime in Pyongyang claimed that an astounding three-fourths of South Koreans secretly participated in this election, ostensibly granting the assembly jurisdiction over the entire country. This article posits that this claim transcended mere propaganda; rather, it exemplified a striking instance of self-deception among the decision-makers in Pyongyang. Compelling evidence indicates that the audacious claim of widespread South Korean participation was genuinely embraced in Pyongyang, both by North Korean authorities and their Soviet overseers. This belief evidently played a role in shaping the decision to initiate the Korean War in 1950. The article suggests that echo chambers facilitate a decision-making pattern fraught with potentially grave consequences. The case examined in the paper illustrates the alarming extent to which the biases of decision-makers can obscure their judgment, leading them to disregard an overt falsehood.

In this article, we examine how voters make decisions about electoral candidates in an under-institutionalized party system. In such a context, parties are expected to be less rooted in society, with fewer programmatic linkages to particular groups. Thus, voters are considered less likely to vote for candidates based on their policy positions and are expected to have less consistent policy preferences. Instead, it is assumed that individual candidate characteristics are more important. Using a conjoint survey experiment conducted in South Korea, a crucial case of a weak party system in a relatively new but consolidated democracy, we examine how voters are motivated by individual candidate characters and domestic policy and foreign policy positions. Our results show that individual characteristics matter, but we also find strong evidence of consistent policy preferences, especially in the foreign policy domain. We demonstrate high levels of programmatic partisanship – voters who are partisans informed about and primarily motivated by policy positions.

This study presents a preliminary evidence suggesting that the enforcement of non-tax revenues, such as the imposition of fines, may be influenced by political motivations. In particular, I hypothesize that incument governors or majors seeking reelection may adjust the intensity of administrative sanctional charges as a part of their election strategy. The analysis on political business cycle has usually focused on the variation in government expenditures from electoral cycles, but has neglected that the exercise of issuing various penalties may also be dependent on electoral cycles. While unable to clearly identify the difference between the districts with and without incumbents seeking reelection, this paper presents the evidence that administrative penalties and non-tax revenues from them may be strategically utilized for electoral purposes, similar to government expenditures.

본 연구는 1995년부터 2024년까지 실시된 기초단체장, 광역단체장, 국회의원 선거의 당선자 4,330건을 시계열 패널 데이터로 구축하여, 한국 정치에서 정치경력이동이 어떻게 구조화되고 있는지를 실증적으로 분석하였다. Borchert(2011)의 이론틀을 바탕으로 정치경로를 단일 경로, 반복 경로, 전략 경로, 복합 경로로 유형화한 결과, 반복 경로가 가장 높은 비중을 차지하였으며 특히 광역단체장에서 두드러진 분포를 보였다. 전략 경로와 복합 경로는 소수에 불과하지만 2010년대 이후 증가세를 보이며 중앙과 지방 간 경력 순환의 제도화 가능성을 보여준다. 광역단체장은 경력의 교차지점, 국회의원은 전략적 이동의 종착지로 기능하며, 이는 정치경력이 단선적 승진 경로가 아닌 제도와 정당, 지역 정치 문화가 맞물린 복합 구조 속에서 형성되고 있음을 시사한다. 다만, 기초·광역의원 데이터의 부재로 정치 사다리 하층부 분석이 누락된 한계가 있으며, 향후 전체 선출직을 포괄한 자료 구축을 통한 심층 연구가 요구된다.

본 논문은 선거법제가 가진 자기입법·이해충돌의 구조적 위험을 헌법이 요구하는 강화된 절차적 정당성으로 보완할 필요성에 주목한다. 특히 선거구획정, 의석배분, 봉쇄조항, 선거운동 규율과 같이 입법자의 이해관계가 직접적으로 작동하는 영역에서, 사후적 위헌심사만으로는 정당성의 결함을 보완하기 어렵다는 문제의식을 출발점으로 삼았다.<br/> 연구는 캐나다 브리티시컬럼비아·온타리오, 아일랜드, 아이슬란드를 중점 분석하고, 벨기에 독일어권 공동체의 상설 시민의회, 독일의 의회 자문형 시민의회, 프랑스의 정책 영역 실험을 보완 사례로 검토하였다. 비교법적 검토와 규범분석을 결합하여, 시민의회 등 숙의적 미니공중을 입법절차에 통합하는 한국형 제도화 모델을 제시한다.<br/> 시민의회가 일회성 공론조사가 아니라 입법 과정의 일부로 기능하려면 전담기구와 예산을 갖춘 지속 가능한 운영과 함께 부의, 이유 있는 답변, 전 과정 공개로 대표되는 책임성의 결합이 권고의 이행 가능성과 민주적 정당화를 실질적으로 높인다. 이를 토대로 상설 시민숙의위원회(CDC)를 특별법 또는 국회법 개정으로 설치하여 의제선정 · 추첨설계 · 윤리 · 평가 · 자료요구를 관장하고, 시민발안형 · 의회요청형 · 자동요건형의 개시 형태를 표준화하며, 학습–숙의–결정의 절차와 균형잡힌 정보제공·중립적 진행 · 참가 보상 · 정보접근권을 제도화할 것을 제안한다. 아울러 지방 조례 기반 시범 → 국회규칙 · 국회법 개정(부의 · 답변 · 공개 의무화) → 특별법(선거법 개정안의 의무적 회부) → 필요시 헌법 규정의 단계적 로드맵을 제시한다. 이를 통해 국민주권의 실질화, 입법의 이유제시 책임 강화, 비례성·대안심사 등 사후심사의 증거기반 확충, 선거규칙에 대한 신뢰 회복을 하고자 한다. 대표성 설계, 정보편향, 재정·역량, 정파적 운영, 법적 구속력의 약함 등의 한계는 법정 회신의무·기한·상시 공개목록 및 독립적 평가 · 감독을 통해 완화 가능하다. 결론적으로 선거법 입법의 정당성 기준은 결과의 합헌성을 넘어 형성 과정의 정당성까지 포함되어야 하며, 시민의회 제도화는 자기입법의 위험을 구조적으로 줄이는 실효적 경로가 될 수 있다.

In South Korea, 2024 concluded with unprecedented political turmoil when President Yoon Suk-yeol declared martial law on December 3rd, which was then lifted within six hours. Earlier in the year, the opposition Democratic Party solidified its legislative dominance after a landslide victory in the 22nd National Assembly election, further constraining Yoon’s administration, which was already weakened by scandals involving first lady Kim Keon-hee. On the international front, the re-election of US President Donald Trump ushered in a more transactional approach to alliances, complicating South Korea’s response to North Korea’s escalating militarization. Domestically, rising interest rates, a stagnant housing market, and record-low birth rates fueled debates over urgent reforms. Amid these challenges, South Korea achieved significant cultural milestones, including Han Kang’s Nobel Prize in Literature and the global success of Rosé’s hit song “Apt.,” reaffirming the nation’s growing cultural influence on the global stage.

The demand for administrative legislation is rapidly increasing in modern societies, and the basis for administrative legislation is stipulated in the Korean Constitution. However, according to the text of the Korean Constitution, the Korean Constitution guarantees that administrative legislation is based on and subordinate to parliamentary legislation. In accordance with the principle of the rule of law and the principle of separation of powers, control over administrative legislation is required so that it does not contradict parliamentary legislation. As administrative legislation, we will examine the delegation order and the executive order separately. The mandate must clearly and specifically define the ground, purpose, content, and scope of the delegation in the law. And when the mandate is thus made in conformity with the rules of delegation of law, the mandate is constitutionally justifiable. Comprehensive delegation is not permissible. In addition, it cannot delegate matters that require parliamentary legislation, such as the restriction of fundamental rights, the imposition of obligations, and important decisions of the state. Unlike in the case of a delegation order, an executive order does not require a special statutory mandate. Therefore, the mode of delegation and the procedural limitations that apply to mandates do not apply equally to executive orders. However, executive orders are also subject to limitations in scope and content as administrative legislation. Therefore, only when the substantive elements of the subject of regulation have already been stipulated in the superior law, the detailed procedures and methods for the enforcement of the law can be prescribed by an executive order. If an executive order stipulates a substantive element that should have been prescribed by law, or if the content is altered by the executive order, such an executive order cannot be constitutionally justified. The executive order must not only be able to find its content in the superior law, but it must be relevant to the enforcement of the superior law. It is necessary to control administrative legislation so that it does not violate its limits. It is necessary to ensure the constitutionality of administrative legislation through control by the legislature, which is the source of the granting of administrative legislative powers. The legislature's right to request amendments or changes to administrative legislation is a method that meets the purpose for which the administrative legislative authority has been granted. Through the process of coordination between the legislative and executive branches, the administrative legislative power can be exercised more rationally, so it is necessary to introduce a system of the right to request amendments and changes to administrative legislation.

본 연구는 현재 한국에서 실시되고 있는 선거 여론조사의 문제점을 분석하고, 이를 개선하기 위한 방안을 모색한다. 한국의 선거 여론조사는 할당표집 방법을 통해 자료를 수집하며, 이 과정에서 발생하는 표집오차로 인해 대표성의 왜곡이 발생하고 있다. 또한, 할당표집의 특성상 검증가능성과 재현가능성을 확보하는 것이 사실상 불가능하여 개선이 이루어지기 어려운 측면이 있다. 선관위의 엄격한 규제와 적은 조사비용으로 인해 활용할 수 있는 조사방법이 제한되고 협조율이 낮아 대표성 왜곡이 더욱 심화되고 있다. 이러한 문제의식에서 본 연구는 할당표집과 과학적 표집 방법인 확률표집을 비교하는 시뮬레이션 분석을 실시하였다. 첫 번째 시뮬레이션에서는 협조율의 차이가 할당표집과 확률표집에 미치는 영향을 살펴보고, 두 번째 시뮬레이션에서는 유사한 협조율 조건하에서 할당표집, 확률표집, 재접촉을 포함한 확률표집 간의 대표성 차이를 비교하였다. 또한 2020년 4월 8일 제21대 총선과 2024년 4월 10일 제22대 총선 전 실시된 여론조사 자료를 바탕으로 예측정확성과 편향에 초점을 맞추어 분석하였다. 분석의 결과, 할당표집은 확률표집에 비해 대표성 왜곡이 더 크게 나타난다는 것, 할당표집과 낮은 협조율로 인해 결과의 일관성이 없다는 것, 그리고 할당표집이 재현가능성을 확보하지 못한다는 점을 확인하였다.

제헌국회 시기(1948~1950)에 관한 기존 연구는 건국기의 폭력과 초기 민주주의의 한계적 사건들에 주로 초점을 맞추어 왔다. 반면 본 논문은 한국 정치발전에 장기적 영향을 미친 제도의 성립·실행·학습 과정에 주목하는 제도주의 정치사 관점을 취한다. 제헌국회를 구성한 5·10 선거는 제2차 세계대전 이후 국가건설·재건을 둘러싸고 대립하던 두 노선, 즉 인민위원회·임시민주정부 노선과 자유선거 노선 가운데 후자가 한반도에서 실현된 사건이었다. 제헌헌법은 권력분립, 대의제, 법치주의, 자유권 보장을 통해 자유민주주의의 기본 구조를 마련하였고, 이후 한국 헌정사의 토대를 이루었다. 제헌국회 시기에는 여러 중요한 법률이 제정되었으며, 그 입법과정은 행정부나 국회 어느 한쪽의 일방적 주도로 진행되지 않았다. 국회는 선거를 통한 민주적 정당성을 바탕으로 행정부에 대한 감시를 자임하고 정부의 실정을 비판했다. 감찰위원회와 국정감사 등 수평적 책임성제도가 행정부를 견제했다. 국가 폭력과 인권 유린, 제도정치 내부의 헌정 후퇴가 존재했지만 민주주의의 방향성은 분명했다. 민주주의 제도는 건국 초기의 폭력을 제어하는 데 기여했다.

본 연구는 한국 대통령의 행정입법 권한이 형식적으로는 법률의 위임 범위를 초월할 수 없는 반응적(reactive) 권한임에도 불구하고, 특히 시행령(대통령령) 등을 통해 실질적 입법 효과를 지닌 전향적(proactive) 권한으로 전환되는 배경을 분석한다. 불완전 계약 이론에 따르면, 헌법과 법률에서 나타나는 입법부-행정부간 위임 관계와 통제 장치의 미비와 같은 제도적 모호성이 존재할 때, 대통령은 이를 전략적으로 활용할 수 있게 된다. 이러한 기회 구조 속에서 발전국가 시기부터 형성된 행정부 중심의 정책 추진 관행은 대통령이 ‘잔여통제권한’을 행사할 수 있는 토대가 된다. 즉, 제도적 모호성은 대통령이 제도적 공백을 전략적으로 활용할 수 있는 여지를 제공하며, 행정부 중심의 정책 추진 체계는 이러한 전략적 활용을 효과적으로 뒷받침하는 자원으로 작용한다. 이명박 정부의 4대강 정비 사업과 윤석열 정부의 경찰국 설치 사례를 분석한 결과, 대통령은 행정입법의 개정을 통해 법률의 모호한 위임 범위를 적극적으로 재해석하거나 국회의 견제를 무력화하는 전략을 구사하였다. 시행령 개정이 가능한 제도적 조건과 더불어, 대통령의 지시에 반응하는 행정부처와 신속성을 강조하는 정책 추진 체계가 이러한 전환을 뒷받침하는 주요 기제였다. 본 연구는 제도적 모호성과 대통령제 운용 방식의 결합이 대통령에게 국회를 우회하는 ‘시행령 정치’라는 대안적 정책 경로를 제공함을 보여준다.

선거 벽보는 정치인의 전략적 자기표현이 응축된 매체다. ‘여성’이 화두였던 2021년 4·7 서울시장 보궐 선거에는 당시 집권당 소속 후보뿐 아니라 군소정당 및 무소속 후보까지 총 5명의 여성 후보가 출마했다. 본 연구는 성 역할 고정관념과 인상관리론, 시각기호이론을 바탕으로, 이 선거에 출마한 군소정당/무소속 여성들이 벽보를 통해 어떻게 자신을 표현하였는지 분석하였다. 일단 주요 대선 및 서울시장 선거 벽보들을 검토하고, 이에 비추어 4·7 선거에 출마한 네 명의 군소정당/무소속 여성 후보들의 벽보에 나타난 시각적 프레이밍과 기호학적 요소들을 탐색하였다. 분석 결과, 카메라와의 거리, 자세, 시선, 제스처, 표정, 레이아웃, 색채, 슬로건 등에서 전통적인 선거 벽보 문법에서 벗어난 새롭고 다양한 시도들이 발견되었다. 이들의 벽보는 주요 대선 후보들 벽보와 차이가 있었고 같은 선거에 출마한 당시 여당 소속 여성 후보의 벽보와도 구별되었다. 이들은 대체로 독립적이고 주체적인 남성적 이미지를 구현하면서도 여성성을 자연스럽게 표출했으며, 정치인의 시각적 프레이밍 측면에서도 ‘이상적 정치인’과 ‘온정적 서민 운동가’ 중 한쪽으로 규정하기 어려운 혼종적 특성이 발견되었다. QR코드나 해시태그를 넣고 줄임말 슬로건을 제시하는 등 새로운 소통 방식도 나타났다. 전반적으로 대담하고 개성 있는 이들의 표현법을 통해 이들의 타깃인 2030 여성 유권자의 특성이 반영되었다.

South Korean democracy had been under attack. This was most apparent in President Yoon Suk-Yeol’s attempt to impose martial law. But it was not the only challenge to Korean democracy, previously regarded as one of the most successful third-wave de-mocracies. Though not calling into question episodes of democratic regression, this ar-ticle challenges arguments of Korean democracy backsliding and instead points to the country’s democratic rollercoaster: ascent under progressive leadership followed by sharp decline under right-wing administrations. Democratic resilience is also evidenced in civil society mobilisation and popular uprisings in democratic crises, and the rise of programmatic party competition has been vital in democratic consolidation. Significant achievements notwithstanding, a profound crisis of Korean democratic politics is acknowledged. The article proposes an institutionalist account of democratic stagnation that puts constitutional flaws of the Korean political system and the chaebol-dominated economy centre-stage. This institutionalist perspective informs the argument that fundamental constitutional reform recalibrating the relationship between the executive and legislature is imperative, and this with the priority objective of strengthening the party-political system. This research contends that it is the Korean constitutional architecture that has been compromising the mediating capacity of po-litical parties and, doing so, holding back democratic progress.

한국 정당의 당원들 중 누가, 왜 정당활동에 참여하는가? 그리고 이러한 참여 요인은 정당 간 어떤 차이를 보이는가? 최근 한국 정치에서는 이른바 ‘강성 당원’들의 과도한 참여가 당내 의사결정을 왜곡하거나 정당의 극단화를 초래한다는 우려가 높지만, 실제로 누가 어떤 동기로 참여하는지는 충분히 밝혀지지 않았다. 본 연구는 정당 참여 동기를 개인적 야망, 사회적 유대, 정치적 목적으로 구분하고, 이러한 동기가 전통적 참여와 온라인 소통이라는 두 형태의 당내 활동 참여에 미치는 영향을 분석하였다. 분석 결과, 더불어민주당 당원은 전통적 참여에서 개인적 야망이, 온라인 참여에서는 사회적 유대와 정치적 목적이 주요 요인으로 작용하였다. 반면 국민의힘 당원은 두 참여 유형 모두에서 사회적 유대와 개인적 야망이 핵심 동기였으며, 정치적 목적 동기는 참여 수준을 오히려 낮추거나, 유의한 상관관계를 보이지 않았다. 또한 더불어민주당에서는 남성의 참여가 두드러졌고, 국민의힘에서는 종교와 신앙에 대한 태도가 참여를 촉진하는 요인으로 나타났다. 두 정당 모두 권리･책임당원이 일반당원보다 활동 수준이 높아, 이들이 조직 동원의 핵심 자원으로 기능함을 보여준다. 본 연구는 한국 양대 정당의 당원 참여를 체계적으로 분석함으로써, 서구 중심의 정당참여 연구를 한국 사례로 확장하였을 뿐 아니라, 정당 내 참여 동학의 미시적 기제를 경험적으로 규명했다는 점에서 한국정치에 중요한 시사점을 제시한다.

Abstract This article examines legislative waffling behavior—where legislators reverse their position between bill sponsorship and floor voting—in the South Korean National Assembly from 2004 to 2020. Using multilevel logistic regression analysis of 21,292 bill-legislator observations across four legislative terms, we develop a novel theoretical framework that disaggregates waffling into three distinct strategic types: dissent (voting against), abstention, and no-show (strategic absence). Our findings challenge US-based theories by revealing that minority party members in Korea exhibit significantly higher rates of waffling across all types, with the effect particularly pronounced when bills are passed as chairman’s substitutes in majority-controlled committees. We demonstrate that ideologically extreme legislators are more prone to waffling, while main sponsors maintain greater consistency throughout the legislative process. The analysis of committee control structures reveals complex dynamics where minority party members face heightened waffling pressures even in committees they control, suggesting that formal institutional authority cannot fully overcome broader power imbalances in consensus-based systems. These findings highlight how Korea’s distinctive institutional features—including proportional distribution of committee chairs, mixed electoral system, and consensus-oriented legislative culture—create fundamentally different incentive structures for legislative behavior compared to majoritarian systems, underscoring the importance of developing context-specific theoretical frameworks for comparative legislative studies.

Abstract: The paper presents findings from a corpus study of the discourse of the parliamentary speeches of the former co-chairman of the political party Produljavame Promyanata (We Continue the Change) Kiril Petkov. The corpus is representative of the politician and his speeches in the National Assembly of Bulgaria, as it includes the entire speech production recorded in the Hansard of the National Assembly from December 2021 to July 2025 – a total of 156 speeches, 42,864 words. A newly launched method for calculating keywords, Text Dispersion, is employed: calculations of the logarithmic probability, which compares the frequency in the study corpus to that in a balanced corpus, are preceded by a count of the segments in the corpus that contain the keyword. High-frequency repetitions, collocations, cognitive metaphors, and rhetorical means of argumentation are tracked. Conclusions are drawn about salient concepts, topoi, and linguistic features of the parliamentarian's speech. Keywords: political rhetoric, critical discourse analysis, corpus assisted discourse studies.

A notable feature of South Korea's party politics is its overall instability, which stems from the influence of many factors. The main driving factors are the high degree of individualization among South Korean political parties, the weak social class foundation of political parties, and the frequent corruption. Under the influence of these factors, the replacement and reorganization of South Korean political parties have become more frequent, the competition between parties is more intense, and the negative emotions of the South Korean people towards the president and political parties have further deepened. Although South Korea's party politics is unstable, on the whole, the diversification and dynamism of South Korea's party politics development provide a series of useful inspirations for the stable development of China's party politics. The development of China's party politics should pay more attention to grasping the balance between economy and society, correctly use the power of media guidance and flexibly meet the needs of the people. In the context of globalization, political parties of various countries should learn from each other and make positive contributions to the prosperity and progress of the global political system.

The purpose of this study is to clarify the characteristics of the Japanese legislative process on the premise that the floor party acts as a major legislative actor through party preliminary review system. In addition, a case analysis was conducted on the security legislation reform bill on how the party's preliminary review system operated in Japan, which adopted the three-pronged separation type parliamentary cabinet system. The preliminary review of the Liberal Democratic Party is a structure in which only bills that have been bound by the party are passed, and under a long-term power with a one-party advantage, a bill that has passed the internal review body can be finally prepared so that the cabinet can facilitate policy implementation. The continuity of policy implementation was high in that it was reflected in the security legislation reform bill, which had been prepared as the party's policy before the Liberal Democratic Party came to power in 2012. This can be seen as improving the rationality of the legislative process of the parliament in terms of procedures.

민주적 정당성이 이원화된 구조인 대통령제(혹은 변형된 대통령제)에서는 권력 간 견제와 균형을 위해 권력분립을 요하는 것은 당연하게 받아들여지는 원리이다. 그러나 1948년 제헌헌법부터 (제2공화국을 제외하고는) 현행헌법에 이르기까지 변형된 대통령제를 채택하고 있는 우리나라에서는, 과연 견제와 균형의 원리가 제대로 이루어지고 있는 가에 대한 의문과 지적이 줄곧 제기되어 왔다. 이러한 비판론에도 불구하고, 우리나라 특유 정부형태와 권력분립에 관한 논제는 학계는 물론 정치권에서도 ‘숱한 마찰들을 거쳐 정착되어온 고유의 정치제도’라는 미명 아래 이미 고사한 논의로 치부되고 있다. 더욱이 본 주제는 정쟁이 격화될 때나 상대를 흠집내기 위한 칼(도구)로써 활용될 뿐, 시간이 지나거나 정권 교체가 이루어지면 이는 다시 고리타분하고 지리멸렬한 이론적 논의뿐으로 치부되어 가는 모습을 보이고 있다. 본 연구자는 이러한 행태에 매우 안타까움을 느끼고, 원리적 측면에 부합하면서도 현행 구조가 추구하고자 하는 이점들을 살피도록 하는 건설적 담론을 다시금 형성해보고자 본 논문을 작성하였다.<br/> 먼저 대통령제라는 체계적합성에 부합하지 않더라도 의원내각제적 요소 자체가 대통령제의 원리에 일조하는 순기능이 있다면 이러한 요소는 유지되는 것이 타당할 것이다. 이에 ‘국무총리제도’는 비록 책임과 권한 측면의 보완이 요구되지만, 제도의 순기능이 대통령제가 추구하는 정신에 기여할 수 있다는 점을 고려하면 유지되어야 할 것으로 보인다. 또한 정치적 책임을 추궁하면서 대통령과 정부를 견제할 수 있다는 순기능을 가진 ‘국회의 국무총리·국무위원 해임건의권’도 현행제도와 같이 유지, 강화하는 것이 타당할 것이다.<br/> 이에 반해 제왕적 대통령제의 우려가 심화되고 있는 상황에서 정부의 권력집중을 야기할 수 있는 ‘정부 법률안제출권’은 권력분립원칙과 상충되는 측면이 다분하여 원리적으로는 폐지 수순에 서는 것이 타당할 것으로 생각된다. 허나 현실적인 측면을 고려한다면 폐지론은 불가능에 가까운 시도이기에, 국회 입법 전문화 역량 제고를 시도함과 동시에 타개책을 마련하는 시도가 선행된 후 논의를 이어가야 할 것이다. 마지막으로, 각 권력이 상호간의 견제와 통제를 이루어야 한다는 권력분립원칙에 정면으로 반하면서도 실무적인 문제점을 야기하는 ‘국회의원의 국무위원 겸직허용’은 헌법 및 법률 개정권자의 인식개선 및 법률 개정을 통해 폐지되어야 할 것이다.<br/> 상술한 문제들은 모두 정치권과 학계의 인식 제고가 선행되어야 한다. 자신의 개인적, 혹은 정파적 이해관계를 잠시 내려놓고 정치체제의 제도정합성과 실질적 부작용을 인지할 필요가 있다. 대화와 타협을 통해 우리나라 특유의 정부형태에서 기인하는 원리적, 실질적 문제를 해결할 수 있는 담론과 정치문화가 형성되길 기대해본다.

이 연구는 18대~20대 대선을 중심으로 한국 유권자들의 정서적 양극화(affective polarization)가 증가했는지 추적하는 한편, 이러한 변화가 유권자들의 투표 선택에 어떤 영향을 미쳤는지 살펴보았다. 한국 사회과학 데이터센터(KSDC) 여론조사 데이터의 분석 결과는 최근 세 차례 대선을 거치면서 당파적 적대감(partisan animus)과 그에 따른 정서적 양극화가 계속해서 증가했으며, 이것이 투표 선택에도 영향을 미쳤다는 것을 보여준다. 우선, 유권자들의 지지 정당에 대한 호감은 이 기간 동안 뚜렷한 상승 혹은 하락 추세가 나타나지 않았으나 상대 정당에 대한 적대감은 꾸준히 그리고 큰 폭으로 증가했다. 예컨대, 상대 정당에 대해 부정적 감정을 느끼는 유권자들의 비율은 18대 대선 이후 약 30%p 상승하여 20대 대선에서는 86.5%에 이르렀다. 양당 지지자 중 절대다수가 당파적 적대감을 느끼고 있는 것이다. 또한, 이러한 당파적 적대감의 증가는 유권자들의 투표 선택에도 강력한 영향을 미쳤다. 구체적으로, 18대 대선에서 양당 지지자들의 투표 선택은 지지 정당에 대한 호감에 의해 더 큰 영향을 받았으나, 19대와 20대 대선에서는 상대 정당에 대한 적대감에 의해 더 큰 영향을 받았다. 종합적으로, 이 연구의 결과는 적어도 18대 대선 이후 한국 유권자들 사이에서 당파적 적대감과 정서적 양극화가 상당히 빠른 속도로 증가했으며, 이것이 유권자들의 투표 선택에도 뚜렷한 영향을 미쳤다는 것을 시사한다.

In this study, we analyzed the factors that intensified affective polarization among voters during the 2022 South Korean presidential election. We also examined this polarization's effect on their political attitudes, including their satisfaction with democracy, perception of the fairness of elections, and trust in political institutions. We found that the greater the perceived ideological differences between the two parties the People Power Party (PPP) and the Democratic Party ― (DP)―and the more extreme the voter's ideology, the more affective polarization increased. We also found that affective polarization intensified with increasing ideological extremity among all age cohorts except those in their forties. Finally, in contrast to DP supporters, PPP supporters' political attitudes became more negative as their affective polarization increased because the opposing party, the DP, was the governing party. This suggests that affective polarization may polarize support for democratic norms and trust in the political institutions that underpin democracy, depending on one's partisan allegiances.

정당이 후보를 공천하지 않는 한국의 교육감선거에서는 투표용지상에서 후보자가 표시된 순서나 기호가 유권자의 선택에 영향을 줄 수 있다는 점이 문제가 되어 왔다. 그러나 순서효과를 보여주는 기존 연구는 선거구 등의 집합적 수준에서의 관찰 자료를 활용했기 때문에 누락 변수의 문제로부터 자유롭지 않으며, 개인 수준에서의 순서효과 발동을 확인하지 못한다는 한계를 갖고 있다. 이를 극복하기 위하여 본 연구는 설문실험을 활용하여 교육감선거에서 순서효과가 존재하는지, 존재한다면 어떠한 형태로 나타나는지, 그리고 어떤 유권자들에게 그 효과가 두드러지게 나타나는지를 분석한다. 결과는 크게 세 가지로 요약된다. 첫 번째로 단순히 투표용지의 앞 순위에 위치한다고 해서 반드시 해당 후보의 득표율이 증가한다고 보기는 어렵다. 두 번째로 교육감선거와 동시에 실시되는 당파적 선거에서의 선택이 해당 기호에 위치한 후보의 득표에 유리하게 작용한다. 따라서 지금까지 상위 순번에 위치하는 것이 교육감선거의 후보에게 유리하게 작용한다고 인식되었던 것은, 순위 자체의 효과라기보다는 일반적으로 양대 정당 소속의 후보가 당파적 선거에서 상위 순번을 배정받기 마련이며 이러한 사실이 교육감선거의 투표선택에도 영향을 미치기 때문에 나타나는 현상이라고 할 수 있다. 마지막으로 당파적 선거에서의 선택이 교육감 후보선택에 영향을 끼치는 것은 정치지식 수준이 부족한 유권자들 사이에서 주로 나타난다.

Abstract The 2022 presidential election in Korea saw a huge swing of young men toward the conservative candidate Yoon Suk-yeol, which was decisive for his electoral victory. This unprecedented electoral volatility created a gendered division among young voters, who had been a solid progressive voting block supporting the center-left party. The article shows how the conservatives’ anti-feminist campaign drove a wedge between young men and women, and it investigates the sources of modern sexism that allowed the successful mobilization of young men. In doing so, it points to the socioeconomic foundations of anti-gender politics: economic insecurity caught up with traditional familism and marital norms produced toxic anxiety among young men because leading a “normal life” of marriage and family is deemed beyond their reach. This anxiety made them vulnerable to the right-wing populism that was at the heart of the conservatives’ anti-feminist campaign.

Many countries have institutionalized and utilized legislative impact analysis. In Korea, legislative impact analysis has been discussed for quite a long time under the name of legislative evaluation. As a result, legislative impact analysis, which has a nature of ex-post evaluation, was recently introduced in the Enforcement Decree of the Administrative Basic Law. In addition, the Korea National Assembly Research Service has recently been discussing the institutionalization of ex-ante legislative impact analysis in earnest. Therefore, it is expected that legislative impact analysis can be operated in the Korea National Assembly in the near future. In this sense, there is a significant consensus on the need for legislative impact analysis. However, at the practical level, there is still no discussion on how legislative impact analysis should be conducted. Therefore, this article will suggest the desirable direction of institutionalizing and conducting legislative impact analysis. Above all, this paper reveals that the Korea National Assembly Research Service can officially conduct legislative impact analysis without additional legislative measures, and argues that in order for the Korea National Assembly Research Service to meaningfully achieve the basic purpose of ex-ante legislative impact analysis, it is necessary to first improve the standard table of contents of the legislative impact analysis report and present it again.

Headline SOUTH KOREA: Disinformation will shape elections

본 연구는 기존연구들에서 크게 주목하지 않았던 지역구 국회의원에 대한 지역구 유권자들의 회고투표 행태를 분석한다. 구체적으로 지역구 국회의원의 지역구 활동에 대한 유권자의 평가가 현직 지역구 국회의원 소속 정당 후보에 대한 투표에 유의미한 영향을 주는지 경험적 분석을 통하여 살펴보았다. 2024년 실시된 제22대 국회의원 선거를 분석한 결과, 유권자들은 자신이 거주하고 있는 지역의 현직 지역구 국회의원의 지역구 활동을 긍정적으로 평가할수록 현직 지역구 국회의원 소속 정당 후보에게 더 높은 확률로 투표를 하는 것으로 나타났다. 그러나 이러한 현상은 정치적 지식수준이 높은 유권자에게서만 발견되었으며, 현직 지역구 국회의원이 재출마한 지역에서 강하게 나타났다. 이러한 결과는 우리나라의 지역구 국회의원 선거가 중앙정치의 대리전을 넘어서 지역구 국회의원의 정치적 책무성을 담보하는 역할을 할 수 있음을 보여준다고 하겠다.

날씨가 선거에 미치는 효과와 사전투표제 도입의 효과 각각에 대한 관심에도 불구하고, 사전투표제가 선거 당일 날씨 효과에 어떠한 영향을 미치는지에 대한 연구는 부재하다. 본 논문은 사전투표제가 날씨로 인해 발생하는 투표참여 관련 비용을 회피할 수 있는 기회를 유권자들에게 제공함으로써, 선거 당일 날씨가 선거결과에 미치는 영향을 완화시킨다고 주장한다. 읍면동 수준에서 추정된 선거일 강수량 및 기온 자료와 제18-21대 국회의원 비례대표 선거 결과에 대한 분석은 이러한 주장을 뒷받침한다. 사전투표제 도입 이전에는 선거 당일 비가 올수록 진보정당 득표율이 증가하고 보수정당 득표율이 감소했지만, 이러한 효과는 사전투표제 도입 이후 사라졌다. 이는 투표의 직접 비용 또는 기회비용에 민감한 유권자들이 선거일 날씨에 대한 예측을 토대로 사전투표에 참여하고 있음을 시사한다.

In this thesis, we looked into how the members of the Provisional Assembly were elected and what kind of people they were. In early days of Members in Electoral Districts of U.S. territories were served by Korean-Americans, and people with personal connections to leaders of the Korean-American community were appointed. In the midterm, members of the Young Korean Academy served as Members in Electoral Districts of U.S. territories. At last, in the latter part, Korean Independence Party forces settled in Electoral Districts of U.S. territories and served as members of Congress. Election of Electoral Districts of U.S. territories shows both ways of direct and indirect elections. Along the way, internal and external changes of Korean American society and The Korean Provisional Congress had a direct impact.

본 논문은 2020년 4월 15일 치러진 제21대 국회의원 선거 이후 실시된 설문 조사 자료를 이용하여 당파층과 무당파층 유권자의 투표 참여 결정 요인을 분석했다. 특히 한국 사회에서 무당파층에 대한 연구는 중요하다. 무당파층의 투표 참여는 선거 결과에 중요한 영향을 미치며 향후 한국 정당 정치의 전망에 대한 설명과 예측을 위해 필요하기 때문이다. 무당층 유권자의 투표 참여는 선거의 민주적 정당성을 가중하는 투표율에도 영향을 미친다는 점에서 이들의 투표 참여에 영향을 미치는 요인을 분석하는 것은 중요한 연구 주제이다.<br/> 본 논문의 분석 결과는 다음과 같이 요약할 수 있다. 첫째, 편향적 유권자는 전체 유권자의 투표율과 비슷했으나 순수 무당파의 투표율은 과반에도 미치지 못했다. 정당 일체감이 없더라도 정당에 대한 친밀감을 조금이라도 지니고 있는 유권자가 투표 참여에 보다 적극적이라는 사실을 확인할 수 있다. 둘째, 유권자의 투표 참여 여부에 미친 요인을 파악하기 위해 분석에 포함한 독립 변수 가운데 선거에 대한 관심도는 유권자의 유형과는 상관없이 종속 변수에 지속적으로 영향을 미쳤다. 선거에 대한 관심도가 지속적으로 압도적인 유의성을 보였다는 점을 고려할 때 정치나 단기 이슈를 대하는 유권자의 태도로 설정한 나머지 독립 변수들이 선거에 대한 관심도로 수렴되어 그 영향력이 나타났을 가능성도 완전히 배제하기는 어려울 듯하다. 셋째, 유권자를 당파층 유권자와 무당파층 유권자로 구분하여 투표 참여 결정 요인을 비교 분석한 경우 차이점이 발견됐다. 당파층 유권자와 비교하여 무당파 유권자를 투표장에 오게 만든 요인이 많이 감소했다. 또한 무당파를 편향적 무당파와 순수 무당파로 구분하여 투표 참여 요인을 비교 분석할 때 두 집단 간 차이점을 발견할 수 없었다.

本稿の目的は、東大阪の主流社会が在日コリアンの人権と権益にどのような 問題意識で取り組み、役割を担ってきたかについて考察することにある。東大 阪は日本有数の工業都市であると同時に革新自治体である。被差別部落、 在日コリアン、労働、環境など様々な社会問題が山積している地域であり、部 落解放運動、労働組合、教師、市議会などが市民運動の主軸または連携し ているという特徴を持っている。 東大阪で軍事政権時代に韓国で拘束された在日韓国人政治犯の解放運 動の主体となったのは日本の市民であった。その過程で在日コリアンを分断され た祖国の影響を大きく受ける地域住民として認識することによってトランスナショナ ルな地域主義という問題意識を持つに至った。その実践として彼らが主体となっ て企画したのが1996年から開催されている東大阪国際交流フェスティバルであ る。 その特徴は、初期段階から朝鮮半島統一とアジアとの共生を標榜してきたこ とにある。民団と総聯を共同発起人として参加させることに成功し、日本社会の 現実を踏まえて欧米よりもアジア中心の多国籍な外国人との共生を訴える試みは今日まで続いている。 一方、本稿では、植民地支配にまつわる在日コリアンの定住という歴史的 経緯をどこまで地域社会にアピールするのかをめぐる運営陣の苦悩についても考 察している。多くの成果にもかかわらず、歴史問題を想起させる｢最初の外国人 ｣を公的領域で強調することには依然として社会的圧力を意識せざるを得ない状 況が存在することが確認された。この点は日本社会が多文化社会へ向かう上 で制約要因であると共に限界ともいえる。

이 논문은 김영삼 정부에서 문재인 정부까지의 기간을 대상으로 정부혁신의 이념과 실제를 분석하였다. 역대 정부에서의 정부혁신이 어떠한 이념에 기반하여 계획되고 추진되었는지, 그리고 정부별로 정부혁신의 이념과 관련 정책에 어떠한 특징과 차이들이 존재하는지 분석하였다. 정부혁신이 특정한 정부가 지향하는 이념을 구현하기 위한 방법의 하나라는 점에서 정부혁신도 정부 이념으로부터 자유로울 수 없다. 정부혁신의 이념은 정부 자체의 이념과도 밀접하게 관련되어 있다. 본 연구에서는 정부혁신의 이념과 실제를 분석하기 위해 정부혁신의 맥락과 국정운영의 기조, 그리고 주요 정부혁신의 내용을 토대로 분석하였다. 분석 결과 다음과 같은 시사점을 도출할 수 있었다.<br/> 첫째, 정권의 교체 자체가 정부혁신의 이념을 결정하는 가장 중요한 변수이다. 즉 정권의 이념이 정부혁신의 이념 형성의 핵심적 기반으로 작용하였다. 둘째, 정부의 정당 배경과 더불어 대통령이 되기 이전의 정치적 경험이 정부혁신의 이념 구성에 밀접한 영향을 미쳤다. 즉 보수 정부에서 진보적 경험을 가진 대통령으로 인해 진보적 혁신정책을 추진할 수 있었다. 셋째, 정부 출범 전후의 정치적 혹은 경제적 환경이 정부혁신의 이념 형성에 영향을 미쳤다. 진보정부임에도 불구하고 당시의 정치적, 경제적 환경으로 보수적인 신공공관리적 정부혁신이 추진되었다. 넷째, 보수정부와 진보정부의 관계없이 1990년대 이후 신공공관리론이 정부혁신의 중요한 기조로 작용하였다. 다섯째, 보수정부와 진보정부간에 정부혁신의 특성이 명확하게 차별화되어 나타나는 분야는 재정의 활용과 공공기관의 역할에 대한 인식이다.<br/> 정부혁신의 이념성에 대한 연구와 자료가 아직 부족하여 체계적인 이론의 구성과 객관적 분석에 한계가 존재한다. 향후 보다 충실하고 깊은 연구를 위한 이론적 논의의 강화와 더불어 관련 자료들의 체계적인 축적과 관리가 필요하다.

2024년 4월에 실시 예정인 22대 국회의원 선거를 앞둔 시점에서 본 연구는 전통적 투표이론인 성별, 연령, 세대(이념) 인구구성이 보수정당 후보 지지에 미치는 영향을 분석한다. 19대(2012), 20대(2016), 21대(2020) 국회의원 선거 데이터를 이용하여 읍·면·동별 인구구성과 보수후보 지지율 데이터를 활용하였다. 인구구조에 해당하는 24개 예측인자를 구성하고 머신러닝 기법인 XGBoost 알고리즘을 활용하여 각 예측인자가 선거예측에 미치는 중요도와 방향성을 도출하였다. 분석 결과에 따르면 첫째, 22대(2024) 국회의원 선거 유권자는 20대(2016) 및 21대(2020) 선거와 비교하여 30대, 40대, 50대 비율이 남녀 모두 감소하는 반면에 60대 이상과 20대(18∼29세) 유권자 비율이 증가함을 확인할 수 있다. 둘째, 보수후보 지지 예측에 영향을 미치는 중요한 예측인자는 ‘여자-후기 MZ세대’이다. 해당 유권자 비율이 증가할수록 보수후보 지지율에 음(-)의 영향을 미친다. “남자-전통세대’ 그룹 역시 보수후보 지지에 중요한 예측인자로 작동하여 해당 유권자 비율이 증가할수록 보수후보 지지율에 양(+)의 영향을 미친다. ‘남자-30대’는 세 번째로 중요한 예측인자이지만 이들의 비율이 증가할수록 보수후보 지지율은 음(-)으로 영향을 받게 된다. 셋째, 22대(2024) 선거의 경우, 인구구조에 의해서만 설명되는 보수후보 지지율을 21대(2020) 선거와 비교하였을 때 수도권 1,094개 읍·면·동 가운데 보수후보에 유리하게 인구구성이 변화하는 읍·면·동은 834개로 전체의 76.2%이다. 이러한 분석 결과는 상대적으로 지역주의 투표성향이 옅은 수도권에서는 인구구성의 변화가 보수정당에 유리하게 작동할 가능성이 높다는 것을 시사한다.

본 논문의 목적은 아베 정권기에 한일갈등에 대한 대응책으로써 수출규제강화조치를 취하게 된 국내정치과정을 분석하고자 하는 것이다. 아베 정권기의 대한외교정책은 기존의 한일관계에 변화를 가한 것으로서, 한일관계가 경로의존성에서 벗어나게 된 원인으로서 일본외교정책결정과정의 변용에 대해 논하려고 한다. 아베 정권기 확립된 관저주도체제는 비등한 반한 여론을 수렴한 자민당의 영향력을 바탕으로 경산성의 경제안보정책 아이디어를 활용하여 대한외교정책을 도출해냈다. ‘경제안보’정책에 대한 관심이 증대하는 국내외 정치환경의 변화와 더불어 여론 수렴형으로 이루어진 관저주도 외교정책결정이 정경분리 대응 기조의 한일관계에 변경을 초래하는데 영향을 미쳤음을 밝히고자 하였다.<br/> 본 논문의 구성은 다음과 같다. 서론에서는 경제안보정책의 등장과 일본외교의 변용을 개관하고, 2장에서는 한일갈등과 아베 정권기의 정책결정 메커니즘에 대해서 살펴보고 있으며, 3장에서는 관저주도 외교정책결정과정에서 ‘경제안보’ 정책아이디어를 채택하는 과정을 분석하고 있다. 4장에서는 한일관계 이슈와 관련하여 자민당 선거와 여론정치를 분석하고, 마지막 결론에서는 관저주도 정책결정이 경산성의 정책아이디어를 채택함으로써 여론을 수렴하는 형태로 실현되었다는 점을 고찰하였다.<br/> 한일 과거사 문제에서 비롯된 아베 정권기의 ‘대한수출규제’ 조치는 기존의 ‘정경(政經)분리’ 기조 하의 정책 결정 메커니즘에서 벗어난 외교적 대응이었다. 결론적으로, 아베 정권기의 대한외교정책이 한국에 대해 악화된 여론을 수렴하여, 다가올 참의원 선거(2019년 7월) 전략의 일환으로 자민당과 경산성, 관저주도로 이루어져 기존의 한일관계에 변용을 초래하였음을 규명하였다.

이 연구는 2023년 한국 정치 전반을 평가하는 국가 리뷰로 기획된 것으로 여기서는 많은 민주주의 연구자가 주목했던 민주적 정치체제의 주요 차원을 중심으로 분석하였다. 이 시기 한국은 행정부와 국회 간 정치적 교착이 지속되었으며, 야당 의원에 대한 검찰 수사와 국회의원의 불체포 특권 행사, 야당의 국무위원 해임건의안 및 탄핵소추안 의결과 대통령의 거부권 행사가 반복되었다. 강경 보수 인사의 정부 요직등용과 ‘공산전체주의 세력’과 민주주의와 인권 운동을 연관시키려는 시도는 이념 갈등을 심화시키기도 하였다. 오송 참사와 후쿠시마 오염수 방류 등 국내외 문제에 대처하는 정부의 민주적 반응성 및 책임성 또한 약화되었으며, 정당 정치가 양극화되고 퇴행하였다. 이는 상호 존중과 협력과 신뢰 등 민주적 정치문화가 정착되지 않는다면 민주주의는 후퇴할 수밖에 없음을 보여준다.

The freedom of election campaigning serves as a means for free elections, represents the freedom of political expression, and signifies the realization of the right to participate in politics. In this paper, amid the inauguration of the 22nd National Assembly, we evaluate the amendments to the “Public Official Election Act” by the 21st National Assembly, focusing on election campaigning, and propose legislative tasks for the 22nd National Assembly. The evaluation is based on the decisions of the Constitutional Court during the term of the 21st National Assembly, which ruled on multiple occasions that certain regulations related to election campaigning in the “Public Official Election Act” were unconstitutional or incompatible with the constitution. The content of the amended “Public Official Election Act” by the 21st National Assembly was analyzed based on these decisions. The decisions of the Constitutional Court appear to clarify the intended constitutional significance of the freedom of election campaigning, aiming to grant a broader scope of freedom to the citizens. Despite this intent expressed by the Constitutional Court, the “Public Official Election Act” revised by the 21st National Assembly does not properly reflect the spirit of the Court's decisions. The 22nd National Assembly has a duty to pay more attention and properly amend the “Public Official Election Act.” Evaluating the amendments related to election campaigning in the “Public Official Election Act” by the 21st National Assembly, despite the Constitutional Court's decisions specifying legislative deadlines to address unconstitutional discrepancies in regulations such as campaign restrictions using armbands and installation bans, the passed deadlines led to a one-month legislative gap. The regulations on installation bans and the distribution and posting of documents and paintings through illegal methods were only minimally revised by shortening the restriction periods, failing to eliminate the unconstitutional nature of broad and extensive restrictions as pointed out by the Constitutional Court. The limits on various gatherings were only slightly adjusted by introducing personnel restrictions, not reflecting the decisions' intent at all. Thus, the 22nd National Assembly should initially amend the “Public Official Election Act” in detail, in line with the decisions of the Constitutional Court. More fundamentally, considering the constitutional significance of election campaigning, it is necessary to redefine the need for and standards of regulation, significantly expand the freedom of election campaigning on the principle of 'permissive by default, restrictive by exception,' and boldly eliminate unnecessary regulations. Additionally, the “Public's Elections Act” should clarify the contents that the general public needs to know and adopt as norms for their actions, consider transitioning from limiting the election campaign period to regulating election campaign costs, and also critically review and adjust any conflicting or contradictory legal interpretations, as well as consider simplifying the legal structure through the categorical classification of the “Public Official Election Act.”

In modern democracies, government is typically structured around the tripod of the legislative, executive, and judicial arms. However, a common misconception exists that, among these three arms, only the executive significantly contributes to a nation's socio-economic development. This misconception is particularly prevalent in Nigeria, where awareness of the substantial contributions made by the legislative arm is lacking. This study reveals that the National Assembly of Nigeria, endowed with numerous powers and functions as stipulated by the constitution, plays a crucial role in the nerves of the nation's socio-economic development. These powers encompass law-making, representation, oversight, and constituency services. An evaluation of the National Assembly's roles, specifically its constitutionally assigned roles, indicates substantial contributions to the nation's socio-economic development. The findings underscore the National Assembly's impactful initiatives, such as combating corruption through establishing commissions like the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) and the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offenses Commission (ICPC). Additionally, efforts in rehabilitating regions affected by militant groups and terrorists, achieved through commissions like the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC) and the Northeast Development Commission (NEDC), are evidence of its developmental strides. The National Assembly's legislative acts have also positively changed the educational sector and electoral system. The study acknowledges the National Assembly's commendable role in addressing and managing diversities and its active involvement in various constituency services. However, it identifies impediments that hinder optimal performance, including executive dominance, disconnection from society, inadequate laws supporting institutional functions, lack of political will, and insufficient training for legislators and supporting staff. Recognising these challenges as surmountable, the study proposes an agenda for reforming its institutional responsibilities. Recommendations include strengthening relevant laws to fortify the institution, encouraging legislators to develop the political will necessary for effective oversight, implementing comprehensive training and re-training programmes for legislators and support staff, and minimising legislators' turnover to capitalise on accumulated experiences. The study concludes with the belief that addressing these constraints will pave the way for enhanced performances by the National Assembly, ultimately contributing to the overall betterment of the country.

한국 국회의원이 정당에 충성하는 이유는 무엇인가? 본 연구는 제17대부터 제20대까지 (2004-2020) 16년간의 국회 본회의 표결 데이터를 분석하여 국회의원들의 정당충성도를 측정하고 이에 대한 결정요인을 규명하고자 하였다. 구체적으로 의원 개인의 이념적 특성, 정당의 제도적 지위, 상임위원회 특성, 선거 경쟁도, 정치자금 등이 의원들의 당론이탈 투표 행태에 미치는 영향을 실증적으로 분석하였다. 분석 결과는 다음과 같다. 첫째, 소속 정당과 의 이념적 거리가 멀수록 당론이탈 투표율이 증가하였으며, 이러한 경향은 여당과 야당 모두에서 확인되었다. 둘째, 여당 소속 의원들의 정당충성도가 야당 의원들보다 높게 나타났다. 셋째, 재선에 유리한 상임위원회 배정은 여당 소속 의원들의 정당충성도를 높이는 요인으로 작용하였다. 반면, 기존 연구들에서 주요 변수로 지목되었던 의원의 선수, 상임위원회 지도부 경험, 정치후원금, 선거 경쟁도 등은 유의미한 영향을 미치지 않는 것으로 나타났다. 이러한 분석 결과는 한국 국회에서 의원들의 정당충성도가 개인의 이념적 성향과 정당의 제도적 지위에 의해 주로 결정되며, 특히 여당의 경우 상임위원회 배정과 같은 제도적 자원을 통해 소속 의원들의 충성도를 효과적으로 관리하고 있음을 시사한다.

정서적 양극화(affective polarization)의 감소 방안은 최근 여러 나라에서 학자들의 관심을 받는 주제 중 하나이다. 이 연구는 기존 연구와 달리 동기적 사고(motivated reasoning)의 시각에서 정당에 대한 감정, 즉 열의(enthusiasm), 불안(anxiety), 그리고 분노(anger)가 정서적 양극화의 증가 혹은 감소에 미치는 영향을 살펴보았다. 감정이 감정이 정치적 사고에 미치는 영향에 관한 연구들은 감정이 동기적 사고에 영향을 미치며, 이를 통해 서로 다른 방식으로 정서적 양극화에 영향을 미칠 가능성을 시사한다. 지난 20대 대통령 선거 패널 여론조사 분석 결과는 이러한 가설들을 경험적으로 뒷받침한다. 핵심적으로, 지지 정당에 대한 열의와 상대 정당에 대한 분노는 시간이 가면서 주로 지지 정당에 대한 호감을 상승시켰으며, 그 결과 정서적 양극화를 증가시켰다. 반면에, 상대 정당에 대한 열의는 당파적 적대감을 감소시켰고 상대 정당에 대한 불안은 지지 정당에 대한 호감을 하락시켰으며, 그 결과 정서적 양극화를 감소시켰다. 또한 이러한 감정의 영향은 대체로 정당 지지의 강도가 강할수록 뚜렷하게 나타났다. 이러한 연구 결과는 정서적 양극화의 메커니즘 및 감소 방안에 관한 몇 가지 중요한 시사점을 제공한다.

Abstract Objective This study investigates whether recent political events in South Korea, such as a presidential impeachment and changes in leadership, have caused a realignment of voters' political affiliations. We aim to determine whether political party allegiance has transitioned into a pattern of habitual voting in the last ten years. Methods Employing a Random Forest model based on machine learning approaches, we examined polling data from the last ten years of Korean presidential elections. Instead of relying on hypothesis‐led methods, our analysis emphasizes the intrinsic characteristics of the data to uncover crucial elements affecting voter behavior in each election. Results Our results reveal a considerable consistency in voting patterns over the past decade, implying that allegiance to political parties has turned into a habitual behavior. Significant factors affecting voter choices in the 2022 election were also recognized as indicators of election outcomes five and ten years prior. Conclusion The study reveals that voter behavior in South Korea remains stable despite notable political changes, primarily influenced by habitual elements rather than substantial changes in party loyalty. This suggests that political allegiance has become ingrained as a habitual behavior for Korean voters.

This study analyzed the logical validity of policy claims among stakeholders related to the ‘establishment of a public medical school’ promoted by the government and the National Assembly for the public nature of medical services through policy argument. To this end, van Dijk's text theory was combined with Toulmin-Dunn's argument structure model. As a result, those opposing the establishment of public medical schools denied the need for public medical schools, recognizing that the cause of the regional medical imbalance problem was the absence of a medical delivery system rather than a lack of medical manpower. In addition, the policy argument that ‘the problem can be solved with other alternatives’ was reinforced, but the specificity was low, so it did not strengthen the validity of the policy argument. Although there were differences in the arguments in favor of the establishment, the validity of the argument was higher in that it presented a specific direction for operation rather than persuading the need to establish it. It suggests that the effect of a bilateral consultative body between the government and medical groups is not significant, and it needs to form a multilateral permanent consultative body in which patient groups and civic groups also participate. In addition, given that the specificity of supply and demand for medical services has been the cause of the medical imbalance problem, the reality of the policy package for balancing essential medical care and regional medical care is important.

Proposals for legislative changes on stray dogs from Üsküdar University to the Grand National Assembly of Türkiye!

Traditional news outlets, such as newspapers and television, are no longer major sources of news. These media channels have been replaced by social platforms, which have increased in value as information distributors. This change in communication is an underlying reason for the election fraud controversies that occurred in the United States and South Korea, which hold high standards of democracy, during similar periods. This study investigates a model for sharing political disputes over social networks, especially Twitter, and illustrates the influence of political polarization. This study examines Twitter content around the presidential elections in the United States and South Korea in 2020 and 2022, respectively. It applies semantic network analysis and structural topic modeling to describe and compare the dynamics of online discourse on the issue of election fraud. The results show that online spaces such as Twitter serve as public spheres for discussion among active political participants. Social networks are key settings for forming and spreading election fraud controversies in the United States and South Korea, with differences in content. In addition, the study applies large-volume text data and new analytical methods such as the structural topic model to examine the in-depth relationships among political issues in cyberspace.

Headline SOUTH KOREA: Opposition’s election prospects will dim

This study examines the spatial and historical contexts of political visual symbols, focusing on how party logos acquire meaning through chance and design. A literature review was conducted alongside in-depth interviews with PR officers of domestic political parties. In the West, as ideological divides between parties became entrenched, objects, plants, and animals evolved as visual symbols of political parties, each securing unique narratives and universal appeal that gained public acceptance. In Korea, however, frequent, election-driven changes in party logos, stemming from unstable party politics since democratization, have hindered public acceptance. The evolution has occurred within a context of sparse signification, reflecting a crisis in representative democracy. Beyond mere design elements, party symbol marks should strengthen party identity and public engagement, contributing to democratic development. This study provides a basis for future researches on the design, strategy, and impact of political symbols.

Article 116 (2), and, in a broader sense, including Article 116 (1) of the Constitution, stipulate the Election Campaign Management and Funding System. This system aims to ensure equal opportunities for election campaigns among candidates, reduce the influence of money in the electoral process, and prevent corruption in elections. The Election Campaign Management and Funding System can be categorized into two types: one where certain election campaign methods are supported or subsidized by the state, and another where only the election campaign methods explicitly permitted by the state are allowed, while all other private methods are prohibited. However, within an Election Campaign Regulation system that comprehensively regulates campaign methods, the former type of public election system often operates similarly to the latter. This is because candidates, unable to freely choose their campaign methods, are de facto limited to using only those methods supported or subsidized under the Election Campaign Management and Funding System. Both the Japanese and Korean systems exemplify this phenomenon. In Japan, the 1934 revision of the House of Representatives Election Law established a structure of ‘extensive regulation and limited permission’ regarding election campaigns. Consequently, election campaigns in Japan became largely confined to methods permitted and subsidized by the state. Similarly, the 1958 Act on the Election of Members of the House of Commons in Korea established a framework of ‘comprehensive regulation and exceptional permission,’ akin to Japan's system. The framework created by the 1994 Act on the Election of Public Officials and the Prevention of Election Malpractices, enacted after the 1987 Constitution, is also similar. It is challenging to assert that the structure has fundamentally changed under the current Public Official Election Act in Korea. As a result, election campaigns by candidates de facto continue to be largely confined to the methods allowed under the Election Campaign Management and Funding System. Given the importance of the freedom to conduct election campaigns, it is necessary to eliminate the comprehensive regulation of campaign methods in the current Public Official Election Act. Such a change would better enable the Election Campaign Management and Funding System to achieve its objective of supporting and subsidizing election campaigns.

본 연구는 기시다 정부의 대북 전략을 안보적, 외교적, 정치적 접근에서 분석하고, 이를 통해 일본의 대북 접근 과정의 한계와 북일 관계의 변화 가능성을 규명한다. 기시다 정부는 아베·스가 내각의 정책에 기초하여 일본인 납치 문제와 북한의 핵·미사일 문제 등을 해결한 후, 국교 정상화를 추진한다는 방침을 대북 전략의 핵심으로 하고 있다. 기시다 정부가 대북 접근을 통해 해결하려는 세 가지 목표는 다음과 같다. 첫째, 안보적 접근으로 북한의 핵 능력의 고도화와 다종의 탄도미사일 보유에서 초래되는 안보 위협 해소이다. 둘째, 외교적 접근으로 일본인 납치 문제 해결과 북일 수교를 통한 정치적 영향력 확대이다. 셋째, 정치적 접근으로 납치 문제를 선거 전략으로 활용하여 정부와 자민당에 대한 지지 확보이다. 그런데 문제는 기시다 정부가 달성하려는 대북 전략 중 첫 번째(안보 현안)와 두 번째(외교 현안)는 상호 충돌하고 있어 현시점에서는 북한의 정책 변화 없이는 해결의 실마리를 찾기가 쉽지 않다. 여기에 기시다 정부의 대북 정책 딜레마가 있다.

The number of bills proposed is one of the main items in the evaluation of congressmen after the democratization. Thus, there is a flood of bills after the democratization. There are even bills only for clerical correction. The qualitative evaluation rather than quantitative evaluation should be made to assure the contents of the bills submitted by congressmen. The two experiments of the quasi-linked proportional representation system can only be assessed to have ended in failure. However, it cannot be said that the parallel proportional representation system of the past is desirable. Until now, the proportional representation system has been abused as a friendly system for the ruling party. In addition, as has been clearly revealed in this election, the relative majority representation system is far from an accurate reflection of the people's will. According to the Constitutional Court's decision on 2:1 population deviation between constituencies, one apartment complex is a single constituency in Seoul, and there are five constituencies in Suwon. On the other hand, four to five cities and counties combined constitutes one constituency in Gangwon-do and rural areas of Yeongnam and Honam. Only the full introduction of the regional proportional representation system can assure the diversity that liberal democracy aims for. The proportional system, which divides the country into 5-10 regions, can prevent wasted votes and correct the harmful consequences of the two major parties with the emergence of minority parties at the same time. The number of congressmen can be reduced to less than 200. However, the proportional representation system has no choice but to adopt the party list formula. In order to ensure the objectivity and fairness of the list, the realization of parties' internal democracy is critical. Despite the change of presidency in 2022, parliamentary power has still been in control by the opposition party. Over the past two years, camp politics dominated rather than cooperation consequently. The results revealed in the April 10th general elections broke the precedent of constitutional history in which a single opposition party has never dominated the majority of the National Assembly during the term. As the Democratic Party of Korea wins in a landslide, it is required to adapt to the reality of the “divided government” that has become commonplace in the U.S.-style presidential system, or the dual executive system's “cohabitation government”. Laws operate in all areas of life in the human world. However, legal academic researches covering all of these areas have been very insufficient. In the field of social science, which is an adjacent study of law, the need for academic connection with the law department is required. With the recent advent of the Artificial Intelligence era, the need for interdisciplinary research is increasing. Above all, AIs have huge impacts on all areas of human life, and accordingly, researches on AIs are inevitable in the realm of legal academy. In particular, the advent of ChatGPT intensifies this further. The research area of law representing the information era, such as the Personal Information Act and the Information Disclosure Act, is now being demanded to change with the development of the AI era. Only legal norms reflecting good will can be perpetuated while receiving the love of people. Legal norms must contain love based on the public good.

The National Museum of Korean Contemporary History in Seoul was first proposed in 2008 by conservative president Lee Myung-bak (Yi Myŏngbak), and opened its doors in late 2012. Its permanent exhibition was criticized as a manifestation of conservative historical narratives. As a result, once progressives regained power, the museum was remodeled, only to see another partial remodeling after Yoon Suk-yeol (Yun Sŏgyŏl) was inaugurated in 2022. Focusing on 1945–1950, this paper explores how the museum has remained a contested mnemonic site ever since the museum’s opening, and aims to visually document the changes made to the permanent exhibition over the past decade.

1947년 9월 17일, 미국에 의해 한국문제가 공식적으로 유엔에 이관된 이후 남한 현지에서 미군정이 당면한 과제는 크게 두 가지였다. 하나는 한국문제의 유엔 이관이라는 사건이 몰고올 남한 내 정치적 파장을 수습하고 여기에 수반되는 각종 정치적 이슈들에 대해 대응을 하는 것이었다. 다른 하나는 유엔에서 이뤄지는 한국문제의 진행에 따라 유엔임시한위 내한과 선거 실시 등에 대한 조치를 현장에서 미리 준비하는 것이었다. 위 과제들은 미소공위 미국대표단이 맡았다. 미국대표단은 한국문제가 유엔에 이관되자마자 이에 대한 남한 주요 정치지도자와 정당들에 대한 정보를 수집하고 이들의 입장을 분석하였다. 또한 양군 동시 철수라는 카드를 제시한 소련의 전략에 대해서도 대응책을 마련하고, 유엔에 한국인 대표를 보내야 하는 상황에 대비해 미군정의 방안을 준비하였다. 그리고 1947년 말 미국대표단은 더 이상 남한 중도세력에 대한 미군정의 지원은 무의미하며, 미군정이 사실상의 정부로서 이후 정국을 이끌어 나가야 한다는 판단을 하지에게 제시했다.<br/> 소련대표단이 철수한 이후 미국대표단의 대소협상 임무는 선거 감독을 위해 내한한 對유엔임시한위 임무로 전환되었다. 선거의 성공적인 실시 여부는 유엔임시한위의 협조에 달렸기 때문에 미국대표단은 유엔임시한위 내한에 맞춰 이들의 신상정보 수집을 통해 정치적 성향을 파악했다. 또한 입법의원에서 통과된 선거법을 연구하여 미군정 자체 선거법을 마련하는 한편, 선거 행정사무를 총괄하는 중앙선거위원회 구성에도 개입하며 선거 시행을 위한 실질적인 작업을 준비하였다. 우익의 승리로 끝난 1958년 5월 10일 총선의 결과는 이러한 준비과정의 산물이었다.

Pre-existing studies suggest that legislators in small districts tend to be more responsive to the electorate than those in large districts, as accountability is typically clearer in a smaller setting. However, it is not clear whether the relationship between district size and legislators' constituency-oriented spending holds in other electoral settings (e.g., South Korea), where pork barrel benefits tend to be determined at the administrative unit, not the electoral district. The present study hypothesizes that as the number of legislators in an administrative unit increases, they are less likely to try to appeal to the voters. Additionally, this study examines the moderating effects of partisan homogeneity and legislators' seniority. The results from the statistical analysis of data from Korean National Assembly members confirm our hypothesis: the number of legislators in an administrative unit turns out to be negatively associated with their vote-seeking behavior. Such a relationship tends to be strong in administrative units co-represented by multiple parties and weak among newly elected legislators.

본 연구는 지방의회의 조례안 통과에 영향을 미치는 요인을 제7대부터 제11대까지의 경기도의회 상임위원회를 중심으로 분석하여 지방의회의 정책 결정 과정에 대한 구체적인 이해를 제공하고자 한다. 경기도의회에서 발의된 8,416개의 조례안과 의원 정보를 활용하여 분석을 진행하였고, 주요 분석 결과는 다음과 같다. 첫째, 정부 형태와 무관하게 전문위원의 검토보고서가 조례안 통과에 큰 영향을 미쳤다. 둘째, 공동발의자 수와 통과 가능성의 상관관계는 분점 정부에서만 뚜렷하게 나타났다. 셋째, 조례안 처리 시간에는 의원 개인의 특성보다 전문위원의 긍정적 검토보고서가 큰 영향을 미쳤으며, 단점정부 상황에서 야당 의원의 조례안은 부정적 검토보고서에 더 민감하게 반응했다. 결론적으로, 상임위원회 조례안 입법과정에서 전문위원 검토보고서는 상당히 중요한 영향력을 끼치고 있는 것으로 나타났다. 본 연구는 지방의회 입법활동의 효율성과 투명성을 높이는 데 있어 전문위원 검토보고서가 중요한 역할을 하고 있음을 시사하며, 지방의회의 입법 과정에서 전문위원의 역할에 대하여 보다 체계적인 논의의 필요성을 제안한다.

Abstract Although legislative brawling is a common occurrence—with 365 cases reported across the world between 1990 and 2018—we have a limited understanding of why members of representative bodies engage in violence. Does the lack of institutionalization or the violent nature of some legislators cause such behavior? This article argues that legislators with intense policy preferences engage in costly actions, such as brawling, as a means of signaling their policy commitment. To validate this claim, this article examines legislators' participation in legislative brawling and filibusters in Korea before and after the adoption of a filibuster procedure. I find that extreme members engaged in brawling before the adoption of procedural reform, while they engaged in filibusters after the adoption. This transformation of brawlers into filibusterers suggests that legislative brawling does not necessarily indicate a violent nature of some legislators but rather a desire by legislators to signal their policy commitments.

Das koreanische Verfassungsgericht hat am 27. Juni 2024 einstimmig entschieden, dass § 328 Abs. 1 des koreanischen Strafgesetzbuches (KStGB) verfassungswidrig ist. Die im Jahre 1953 eingeführte, in § 328 Abs. 1 KStGB enthaltene Klausel „Sonderausnahme für Verwandte“ nimmt Diebstahl, Betrug, Unterschlagung und weitere Vermögenstraftaten zwischen Verwandten - d. h. Ehegatten, Blutverwandten und Verschwägerten - pauschal von der Bestrafung aus. Nach der aktuellen Entscheidung des koreanischen Verfassungsgerichts wurde dem koreanischen Gesetzgeber eine Frist bis zum 31. Dezember 2025 zur Neuregelung von § 328 Abs. 1 KStGB gesetzt. Im deutschen Strafgesetzbuch existiert die Norm „Haus- und Familiendiebstahl“ gemäß § 247 StGB zur Auflösung des auch in der deutschen Rechtslage existierenden Spannungsverhältnisses zwischen staatlichem Strafanspruch und der Rücksicht auf enge persönliche Beziehungen, die im Rahmen der privatautonomen Lebensgestaltung ohne Eingriff des Staates gestaltet werden können. Der Aufsatz zeigt im Rahmen einer rechtvergleichenden Analyse zwischen deutscher und koreanischer Rechtslage auf, dass der in § 247 DStGB geregelte Tatbestand eine angemessene Regelung enthält, um so eine Neuregelung für eine Alternative zu § 328 Abs. 1 KStGB nach den Vorgaben des koreanischen Verfassungsgerichts vorzuschlagen. Insbesondere schlägt der Aufsatz konkret vor, dass der koreanische Gesetzgeber die Norm als Antragsdelikt ausgestaltet und den besonderen Schutz des häuslichen Zusammenwohnens unter Berücksichtigung der legislativen Zielsetzung vom § 247 DStGB auf alle Fallgestaltungen erweitert, in denen Hausbewohner freiwillig wechselseitige Verpflichtungen tragen.

한국 청년 세대의 정치적 무관심이 심각한 사회 문제로 떠오르고 있는 가운데 정치사회적 현실을 이해하고 고민할 기회를 제공해야 하는 정치교육은 효과적이지 못하다는 평가가 지배적이다. 본 연구는 정치교육이 한국적 맥락에서 보이는 한계가 교육의 주체에서 기인한다는 문제의식을 바탕으로 현행 정치교육의 주체로 제시되는 국가(공공영역), 정당, 시민단체의 한계를 질적으로 분석하였다. 분석결과, 국가(공공영역)는 정치적 중립성 및 비정파성에 대한 강박으로 시의적인 교육을 제공하기 힘들며, 정당은 파당적인 교육 내용과 고관여층 중심의 참여로 인해 대중성이 떨어지는 교육을 제공하고 있었다. 시민단체는 가치 전달 방식의 차이로 인한 편향성과 재정적 자원의 부족, 교육 프로그램 구성의 불연속성 등 한계를 보였다. 본 연구는 기존 정치교육 주체들의 한계를 보완하기 위해서 자생적인 수익구조와 시장기제를 지닌 소셜벤처 모델이 적합하다는 인식을 바탕으로 오프라인 정치카페 모델을 새로운 정치교육모델의 대안으로서 제시한다. 본 연구는 실제 일일카페 형식으로 진행한 프로토타입의 결과를 바탕으로 소셜벤처로서 오프라인 정치카페 모델이 청년정치교육의 실험적 대안으로서 가지는 의의와 한계를 파악하고, 청년들의 정치적 무관심에 대해 수요자 중심의 새로운 패러다임이 필요하다는 시사점을 제공한다.

In this paper, the author considers the Republic of Korea’s legislative institution. In order to develop the parliamentary institution in the present social conditions of Mongolia, it is required to identify and describe the Parliament’s operation, functions, features, and its status in the state structure and conduct comparative study of the Parliament of Republic of Korea. In connection with the above, it is essential to emphasize theoretical and practical issues related to features of functions, electoral mechanisms, operation and status of the Republic of Korea’s parliament in the political system.

The independence and neutrality of the consensus decision-making body can be achieved through the independence and neutrality of the members constituting it. The National Election Commission is a consensus-based decision-making body composed of nine members, and the independence of the committee comes from the independence and neutrality of nine members. Until now, prior research for the independence and neutrality of the National Election Commission has been conducted around discussions on the appointment, election, and nomination of members. The researcher suggests that the independence and political neutrality of the National Election Commission is achieved through the independence and political neutrality of the National Election Commission, and that the appointment, election, and nomination of the National Election Commission can make efforts to appoint, elect, and nominate politically neutral figures for the National Assembly's consent. The introduction of (super)weighted majority voting in the National Assembly's motion will allow minority political forces to make efforts to appoint, elect, and nominate people with political neutrality as objectively as possible, even for non-dominant denial. The use of the (super) weighted majority of the National Assembly's consent can be applied not only to the National Election Commission but also to the National Assembly's consent process by the Supreme Court justices and constitutional judges. The focus can be on who nominates, not who nominates. If a small number of political forces have non-dominant rights, humans who have tried to be politically neutral will appear politically neutral, and their duties will be more politically neutral than they are now, as agreed to by the National Election Commission, a constitutional body that deals with elections and politics. In this way, the committee, which is composed of members passed by majority vote, can play a leading role in revising and redistricting the Democratic Republic of Korea's political interests and public interests in Korean politics, which are conflicting and revolving. National Election Commissioners appointed after the National Assembly passed the motion through the decision-making of (ultra)Qualified Majority will have to work full-time, and their strong democratic legitimacy gained through (ultra)Qualified Majority can strengthen the National Election Commission's weapons in the process of revising the Political Law. What is essential for this is a higher level of political neutrality than the political neutrality of the qualifications of constitutional judges. Humans cannot always be mechanically neutral and apply different criteria for judgment depending on the case. Everyone has a preconceived notion and prejudice. Therefore, there cannot be a logical National Election Commission member with perfect ‘political neutrality’. Because the National Election Commissioner is human. All we can do to study the Constitution is to systematically devise a way to approach impossible political neutrality. The best way is to check individual political forces through other political forces, and the key is to make it possible to check even if other political forces are a minority.

정부는 국민 기본권의 실현을 위해 재외선거를 도입했다. 재외선거에서 재외국민의 투표율은 낮았으며, 그 결과 국내의 총선과 대선에 미치는 영향 또한 미약하였다. 재외선거에서 재일한인들의 낮은 투표율은 첫째, 올드커머 세대의 고령화 및 뉴커머의 국내 정치에 대한 무관심, 둘째, 한인단체의 영향력 감소, 셋째, 선거 참여로 인한 비용의 손실, 넷째, 재외공관에서 직접투표에 따른 시간과 절차의 복잡성, 다섯째, 낮은 정치적 효능감 등으로 추정할 수 있다. 재일한인의 다수는 우편투표제를 가장 선호하고 있는 것으로 나타났다.<br/> 우편투표제의 도입 효과는 첫째, 보통선거권의 실현이다. 둘째, 투표의 편의성이 높다. 선거의 편의성 제공은 주권자 중심의 선거 서비스 관점에서 중요한 가치이다. 셋째, 장소의 제약성이 없다. 넷째, 선거권자의 투표율을 높여 선출직 공직자의 민주적 정당성을 강화한다, 다섯째, 교통 불편의 문제를 해결할 수 있다. 우편투표제는 재외국민들이 가장 선호하고 있으며, 다수의 OECD 국가에서 채택하고 있다. 일본･미국･독일･프랑스의 재외선거에서 우편투표제의 실시는 투표율을 제고시켰다. 따라서 우편투표제는 유권자의 선거권 보장과 함께 선거참여를 유인한다는 점에서 재외선거의 투표율을 높여주는 가장 현실적인 방안이다.

본 연구의 목적은 지난 20년간 한국 주요 정당의 공직 후보 선출제도의 개방성 차이가 정당에 미친 장기적 영향에 대해 종합적으로 고찰하는 것이다. 이를 위해 본연구는 2000년대 초 개방형 프라이머리제도 도입 이후 대통령 및 국회의원 선거에 있어서 보수당계와 민주계정당의 프라이머리제도의 발전 및 차이, 그리고 양 계열정당의 변화 (조직 수준, 정부 내 수준, 유권자 내 수준)를 살펴보고, 기존 이론을 바탕으로 동 제도가 정당조직에 끼친 장기적 영향에 대해 고찰한다. 분석 결과 특히 대통령 선거에 있어서 민주당계는 일반유권자 참가 투표가, 보수당계는 당원투표와 함께 여론조사가 상대적으로 활용되어 왔으며, 세 정당 수준에서 보수계가 상대적으로 약화되어 왔음을 알 수 있었다. 이를 바탕으로 본 연구는 일반유권자에의 한 투표가 여론조사에 비하여 조직 및 유권자 내 정당에 있어 장기적으로 긍정적 영향을 끼쳤을 가능성이 있다는 점을 지적한다.

본 연구에서는 한국정치의 민주적 반응성을 개별 정책이 아니라 거시적 정책 선호 즉, 정책 무드(policy mood)를 중심으로 살펴보았다. 이를 위해 먼저 지난 20여 년간 경제 및 복지 분야의 정책 무드를 dyad ratios algorithm model 분석 방법을 실시해 추정하고 정책 무드가 대통령선거, 국회의원선거, 경제 및 복지 정책의 지배적 방향에 영향을 미치는 요 인인지를 살펴보았다. 연구 결과, 2000년 이후 지난 20여 년 간 경제 및 복지 분야의 정책 무드는 항상 진보 무드가 우세한 가운데 집권당의 이념과는 반대 방향으로 변하는 경향이 있는 것으로 나타났다. 즉, 진보 정당—더불어민주당과 그 전신인 정당들—의 집권 시에는 보수적인 방향으로, 보수정당—국민의힘과 그 전신인 정당들—의 집권 시에는 진보적인 방 향으로 정책 무드가 변하는 패턴을 발견할 수 있었다. 그리고 경제 및 복지 분야의 정책 무드가 진보 방향으로 한 단위 증가할수록 대통령선거에서 진보 정당의 득표율은 전국적 으로 1% 가량 증가하는 것으로 나타났다. 그러나 정책 무드는 국회의원선거를 비롯해 경 제 및 복지 정책의 지배적 방향에는 영향을 미치지 못하는 것으로 나타났다. 기존연구에 의하면 미국에서는 경제 및 복지 분야의 정책 무드가 대통령선거뿐만 아니라 연방의원선 거와 관련 분야 정책의 지배적 방향에도 영향을 미치는 것으로 나타난다. 따라서 정책 무 드에 대한 민주적 반응성의 수준은 한국이 미국보다 높지 않다고 말할 수 있다. 본 연구는 한국 유권자 집단을 대상으로 정책 무드에 대한 민주적 반응성을 살펴본 최초의 연구로서 비교정치적으로 정책 무드 관련 문헌의 확대에 기여한다. 또한 다른 국가들과 민주적 반응 성을 비교할 수 있는 경험적 자료를 제공함으로써 민주적 반응성 관련 문헌에도 기여하는 바가 있다.

이 연구는 이슈소유권 이론을 토대로 2022년 제20대 대통령선거에서 유권자들이 평가한 후보자의 이슈소유권과 그 영향요인을 조사하였다. 즉 정치심리적인 장기적 영향요인, 이미지 속성의 중기적 영향요인, 선거상황의 단기적 영향요인들이 후보자의 이슈소유권 평가에 어떠한 영향을 미치는지 연구하였다. 영향력 순으로 요인들을 열거하면 대통령 선거에 대한 관심, 신뢰성 이미지, 결단력 이미지, 정직성 이미지, 경영인 경력 이미지, 법조인 경력 이미지 순으로 영향력이 높았다(연구문제1). 다음으로 후보별로 이슈소유권에 영향을 미친 요인들을 비교한 결과, 이재명 후보는 고소득, 진보성향, 선거관심도가 높고, 지지 후보의 준법성을 낮게 평가하고, 결단력을 높게 평가하며, 법조인 경력 이미지를 낮게 평가하거나, 경영인과 정치인 경력 이미지를 높게 평가하며, 유튜브를 주로 시청한 유권자들로부터 높은 점수를 받는 경향을 나타내었다. 반면에 윤석열 후보는 남성, 보수성향, 정치관심도가 높고, 정치인 경력 이미지를 낮게 평가하고, 법조인 경력 이미지를 높게 평가하며, 유튜브나 기타매체를 덜 시청하는 유권자들로부터 높은 점수를 받았다. 공통적으로는 양 후보 모두 소속 정당과의 친밀감이 높은 유권자들부터 높은 이슈소유권 점수를 받았다(연구문제2). 또한, 장기적으로는 정당과의 관계나 정치심리적 요인을, 출마 예상이나 당내 경선 등이 시작되는 중기적 단계에서는 이미지 요인을, 선거 상황의 단기적 단계에서는 선거에 대한 관심과 선거정보 획득 매체 등에 의해 이슈소유권 평가에 대한 영향의 차이를 확인하였으며, 두 후보자 지지 집단 간 영향요인에서 정보획득 매체로서의 유튜브 이용 정도가 구분되는 결과 등을 통한 실무적 함의를 도출하였다.

Reconstruction contributes to improving the quality of life of residents by creating an aging, unstable and poor residential environment into a safe and pleasant residential environment, and is also an important means of realizing basic constitutional rights such as people's right to pursue happiness, property rights, and housing freedom. However, the reconstruction project is causing a lot of confusion to the housing market and the people as related laws and systems repeatedly regulate and ease due to the ups and downs of the housing market and regime change. Accordingly, this study attempted to investigate and analyze legislative system improvement efforts raised by the National Assembly on the “Safety Diagnosis Standards for Housing Reconstruction” announced by the government and derive reasonable system improvement measures through Delphi, experts related to safety diagnosis. Based on this process, I would like to propose a plan to improve the current housing reconstruction safety diagnosis system. First, the authority to determine safety diagnosis, including the composition and ratio of each item of the safety diagnosis evaluation criteria, should be delegated to the head of the metropolitan government. Critics say that the Ministry of Land, Infrastructure and Transport does not reflect the characteristics of the region and hinders the smooth promotion of reconstruction projects by setting safety diagnosis standards uniformly and uniformly in different situations. Therefore, it is necessary to delegate the authority to decide on safety diagnosis standards to the heads of metropolitan local governments. Second, Article 2, Subparagraph 3 (b) of the current Urban Improvement Act defines “significant functional defects among buildings that have not secured seismic performance” as old-age defective buildings. However, whether or not seismic design is reflected in the structural safety evaluation item is omitted. Structural safety assessment items should include whether seismic design is reflected. Third, although geological conditions and ground conditions have a very significant impact on the structural safety of buildings, geological conditions and ground conditions are omitted from the structural stability evaluation items. The omission of these important evaluation factors is a factor that degrades the validity and reliability of the safety diagnosis evaluation results. Fourth, the use of asbestos building materials should be reflected in the safety diagnosis evaluation items. When inhaled into the human body, asbestos, a first-class carcinogen designated by the World Health Organization, causes fatal diseases such as asbestos lung disease, lung cancer, and malignant mesothelioma. Therefore, in Korea, the Asbestos Safety Management Act has been enacted to thoroughly manage asbestos exposure contained in buildings so that it does not damage public health. Fifth, it is necessary for local governments to support certain costs incurred by conducting safety diagnosis for housing reconstruction. However, some say that local governments should not invest in projects to rebuild private property, but the reconstruction project improves the residential environment of owners, such as local land, while creating public benefits such as roads, parks, community facilities, and public rental housing. It is currently supported by some local governments.

우리나라의 조약체결 실행상 활발히 활용되는 고시류 조약은 법적 근거가 부재하고, 특히 조약의 국내적 효력을 위하여 헌법에 의하여 체결･공포된 조약일 것을 요구하는 헌법 제6조 제1항의 요건을 충족하지 않는다는 점에서 오랜 기간 문제로 지적되어 왔다. 제17대 국회 이후 우리나라에서는 조약체결에 관한 구체적 절차법을 도입하여 우리나라의 조약체결 실행에서 확인되는 문제점을 해결해야 한다는 취지의 법률안이 지속적으로 제출되고 있다. 현행 제21대 국회에서도 홍익표 의원 및 설훈 의원의 대표발의에 기초한 두 개의 법률안이 제출되어 있는 상황이다.<br/> 물론 국회에 제출된 조약체결 절차법에 관한 법률안은 조약 체결이 증가하는 상황에서 행정부에 대한 국회의 통제가 보장되지 않는다는 측면이 주된 논쟁거리이다. 그러나 제출된 법률안에는 일견 고시류 조약을 염두에 두고 입안된 것으로 생각되는 ‘간이조약’의 정의와 간이조약의 특례에 관한 사항이 포함되어 있다. 만약 조약체결 절차법이 실제 법률로 완성된다면 줄곧 관행으로만 인정되어 오던 고시류 조약의 문제를 해결할 수 있는 좋은 기회가 될 것이다. 사실 국제적으로 조약체결에 관한 절차를 입법적으로 해결하고 있는 국가가 소수에 불과한 현실에서 1990년에 조약체결 절차법을 도입하여 시행하고 있는 중국이 마침 2022년 11월 중국 조약체결관리방법을 발표하고, 2023년 1월 1일부터 시행하고 있는 상황이다. 이에 중국의 조약체결관리방법 시행에 따라 달라진 중국 내의 조약체결 법제에 대해 살펴보고, 우리나라에서 진행되고 있는 조약체결 절차법 도입 논의에 대한 함의를 살펴보고자 한다. 특히 중국의 입법 현황에서 고시류 조약의 문제점을 해결하는데 참고가 될 만한 시사점을 확인하려는데 본고의 목적이 있다.

This study compares and analyzes the process of change of the supporters association system and the results of the survey on the work of members of the regional councils and members of the National Assembly, and proposes improvement plans for the supporters association system and related laws and regulations suitable for the status of members of the regional councils. As a result of the study, it was deduced that it is necessary to adjust the ratio of contributions between members of the National Assembly and local council members to 70:30 by improving the ceiling on donations for local council members in a more forward-looking direction than the current limit of 50/100 of election expenses. Therefore, it is proposed to designate the maximum amount of donations from local council members at 250 million won, which is 30% of the total amount of donations raised by members of the National Assembly, which is 750 million won. The reason I thought this was because of the following reasons. First, in the workload analysis of local council members, 70.7% of respondents answered that ‘the workload of local council members is greater than that of national assembly members’. Second, 49.1% of respondents answered that ‘the workload of local council members and National Assembly members is similar’ or ‘the workload of local council members is more than 50% higher’. Therefore, it is based on the fact that it is reasonable to set the size of donations to local council members at 30% of the amount of donations to members of the National Assembly.

This paper aims to evaluate the appointment process of Constitutional Court Judges in Indonesia. A guarantee of the judiciary independence is a foundation of a modern democratic state because a judge’s appointment depends on a selection process. Using normative and empirical legal study, the study shows that Indonesia does not have a standardized selection process among the proposing organs regarding assessment and procedure. The selection mechanism is decentralized. It relies on the proposing organs respectively. On the other hand, South Korea has a more standardized selection process, especially on confirmation hearings organized by the National Assembly. The Korean model, which emphasizes the National Assembly confirmation hearing, has strongly contributed to the selection process because it ensures transparency and accountability. The study suggests that Indonesia should seriously consider establishing a confirmation hearing system for justices like South Korea. A more transparent selection will reduce the number of corrupt public officials (justices). Unfortunately, the current Korean system also needs improvements. The suggestions include (1) separation of the ethical and professional competence evaluation phase, (2) extension of the confirmation hearing duration, (3) enhancing the requirement for witness attendance and submission of data, and (4) prohibition of the use of personal hearing data.

ABSTRACTThe study investigates the influence of electoral concerns at the district level on war issues that examine the roll-call votes of lawmakers in the National Assembly of South Korea. The central claim of the article is that South Korean legislators are sensitive to electoral concerns when deciding to vote for war bills. Scholars suggest several factors, but none sufficiently explain the roll-call behaviour of legislators on national security issues. An empirical analysis of the 16th and 17th national assemblies between 2003 and 2007 reveals that liberal government party members are more likely to defect from the president and party leadership as district competitiveness increases, whereas party-list members are not more likely to defect. Public opinion on war also influences the roll-call behaviour of liberal government party members. The study offers new empirical evidence that party cohesion is not always maintained on all issues outside of western democracies.KEYWORDS: Roll-callforeign policySouth Koreadistrict competitiveness AcknowledgmentsI would like to thank Sungdai Cho, Douglas Kriner, Jongwoo Jeong, Weiwen Yin, Carlisle Rainey, and anonymous referees for helpful comments. I am especially grateful to Michael T. Koch for his excellent comments and suggestions.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 ‘South Korea approves 3000 troops for Iraq,’ New York Times, February 14 2004, https://www.nytimes.com/2004/02/14/news/south-korea-approves-3000-troops-for-iraq.html (accessed October 8, 2022).2 The majority of empirical studies on Korean legislative politics focus on the relationship between district competitiveness and voter turnout (Aran, Citation2008, Citation2011; S. D. Cho, Citation2006; Yun & Joo, Citation2010).3 ‘El Congreso aprueba la proposición de Aznar sobre Irak con el apoyo unánime de los populares,’ El País, March 4 2003, https://elpais.com/elpais/2003/03/04/actualidad/1046769421_850215.html (accessed October 9, 2022).4 ‘Opinion Survey of Voters on the 16th National Assembly Election,’ Korean Social Science Data Center, April 13 2000, https://www.ksdcdb.kr/main.do (accessed October 11, 2022).5 ‘The threat of NGO anti-campaign actions against Korean lawmakers who support deploying troops to Iraq is a major source of anxiety,’ Kyunghyang Shinmun, March 28 2003, https://m.khan.co.kr/politics/politics-general/article/200303281846091 [Korean] (accessed October 16, 2022).6 During the period between 1998 and 2007, two liberal presidents, namely, Kim Dae-Jung and Roh Moo-Hyun, held the presidency, and their two liberal parties, namely, the Millennium Democratic Party and the Uri Party (UP), occupied the positions of the ruling parties. The major conservative party was the Grand National Party (GNP). Another conservative party was the United Liberal Democrats (ULD). The ULD formed a coalition with President Kim Dae-Jung at the beginning of his presidency, but their alliance crumbled in 2000. In the 17th Korean National Assembly (KNA), the Democratic Labor Party, which was more left-leaning than other liberal parties, entered the KNA despite the small percentage of seats won. Although the GNP controlled a majority in the 16th KNA, which resulted in ‘a divided government,’ the UP took the majority of seats in the 17th KNA, which led to ‘a unified government.’7 Republic of Korea National Election Commission. http://info.nec.go.kr/ (accessed October 12,2022).Additional informationNotes on contributorsHwalmin JinHwalmin Jin is assistant professor at School of Social Sciences, Tecnologico de Monterrey. His research focuses on the intersection between foreign policy decision making and legislative politics, civil-military relations, and international security and conflicts. His work has been published in International Studies Quarterly.

When it comes to South Korean politics and democracy, there seem to be two contrasting images: One is vibrant social activism, from the militant student and labor protests of the 1980s to the massive anti-government candlelight rallies in 2016 and 2017. Unlike the outstanding record of these movements for social change, institutional politics lags far behind, often represented by two contentious parties and stalled legislation that completely fail to deliver public goods.Yoonkyung Lee's book Between the Streets and the Assembly addresses a long-standing debate about the gap between weak political parties and strong social movements in South Korean politics and tackles the puzzling question of why successful social movements have not translated into effective party politics. To answer this question, previous studies have focused on structural and historical conditions, such as lingering authoritarian legacies or restrictive electoral institutions, that have helped sustain an unresponsive and ineffective party system. Examining the agency of political actors and their capacity to coordinate both within and between organizations, Lee argues that political actors in different organizations have developed varying degrees of capacity for collective action, which have in turn shaped the range of outcomes among social movements and political parties. Throughout the book, Lee illuminates three distinctive pathways taken by 1980s democracy activists after South Korea's democratization—continuing to engage in social movement organizations, joining a mainstream centrist political party, or establishing a new progressive party. Drawing on diverse empirical data based on participant observations, in-depth interviews, and archival sources, Lee concludes that while those in the social movement sector could successfully build national solidarity infrastructures and push democratic reform agendas forward, the other two groups of activists working in both existing mainstream and progressive parties were not as successful.Between the Streets and the Assembly is among the first books that closely examines the postauthoritarian political trajectory in South Korea. While numerous studies have investigated the processes of democratic transition and consolidation up to the early 2000s, few studies in Anglophone scholarship have systematically explored post-1987 political developments in the long term, a period in which former student activists and revolutionaries played significant roles. It is also a timely book. Given the prevalent criticism of the so-called 586 generation (those who are now in their fifties, went to college in the 1980s, and were born in the 1960s, but specifically those who participated in the protest movements of the 1980s and developed a distinctive collective outlook as a result) in both the South Korean media and popular discourses, which argue that this generation is just another corrupt establishment that exploits the younger generations, Lee's book provides an objective and balanced perspective on their challenges and limitations as well as achievements.In my opinion, the greatest virtue of the book is that it overcomes the binary framing of political parties and social movements and captures how they interact. While some scholars have called for analyzing the connections among these organizations to better understand political dynamics, existing scholarship tends to treat them separately. Describing the processes by which social movements and political parties have responded to each other, interacted, and shaped the conditions of democratic politics, Lee demonstrates that social movement organizations outside institutionalized politics have indeed played a central role in deepening democracy by pressuring political parties to act, giving policy suggestions, and leading political change. This is also unique in South Korean politics. Disputing the argument that weak, dysfunctional party politics is a sign of under- or undeveloped democracy, a dominant assumption in the study of politics, Lee suggests that we should acknowledge multiple pathways for democratic politics and South Korea's case should not be evaluated from a Western-centric view.While the book convincingly describes the three divergent pathways of those who participated in the prodemocracy movement and the mixed outcomes of their political experiments, Lee's analysis could be extended by including a fourth route—conservative conversions. Some former democracy movement activists abandoned their previous political ideals and joined the Right, whether they were recruited into it or came to support right-wing causes on their own. This group is currently the most aggressive in attacking their political opponents, undermining the legacies of the 1980s democracy movement, and weakening progressive political reforms. Thus, by incorporating the role of ideological converts to the conservative party and right-wing civic organizations in the book's analysis, we can better grasp why political reforms have not been fully successful despite the efforts of the other three groups.Through a meso-level approach, Between the Streets and the Assembly explains political actions and their outcomes. Political actors coordinate, make decisions, and act within the context of different organizations. Thus, the empirical evidence in the book focuses on explaining their experiences and challenges at the organizational level. Future research will also benefit from studying the life histories and lived experiences of former student activists. For example, why did some choose to remain in the social movement sector, whereas others decided to join mainstream political parties? How did their backgrounds and experiences affect their decisions? These can be interesting questions to help understand the various motivations and political ideals behind the paths taken by former activists.We have witnessed a surge in Far Right politics and authoritarian reversals around the globe in the last decade, including the return of the Right to power in South Korea and consequent restrictions on social rights in the name of law and order, and the future prospects of democracy seem rather bleak. To strengthen democracy, Lee's emphasis is on expanding the capacity for collective action and building solidarity infrastructures on the progressive side. Between the Streets and the Assembly deepens our understanding of the legacies of the democracy movement, interactions between political parties and social movement organizations, and postauthoritarian developments. Scholars and the general public concerned with democratic deepening and consolidation, party politics, and political contentions both in and outside South Korea will find Lee's book informative, insightful, and valuable.

According to Article 22 E of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia, Indonesia is a democratic country where the people hold the highest power with a representative system, namely general elections. General elections are one way for people to participate in politics. The type of research used is library research, where the research is centered in the library to obtain data without carrying out field research. So the data source is obtained using literature or regulations and norms related to the problem to be studied, namely in the form of books that examine the Position and Authority of the General Election Commission (KPU). The results of the research are 1) That the Juridical Study of the Position and Authority of the General Election Commission (KPU) in the perspective of the State Administration of the Republic of Indonesia is to realize the instrument of popular sovereignty, which aims to create a legitimate government and provide a way for the people to express their ambitions and interests. 2) That the comparison of the position and authority of the General Election Commission (KPU) in the United States and South Korea is that the United States has two general election commissions, namely the Electoral College and the Federal Election Commission (FEC).

한국 민주주의는 퇴행하고 있는가? 이 논문은 민주주의 퇴행(democratic backsliding)에 관한 논의들에 비추어 한국 민주주의의 현 상태를 진단하고 분석한다. 세계 여러 나라에서 발견되는 민주주의의 퇴행은 정치적 양극화와 강한 당파성이라는 조건에서 집권한 현직자가 민주주의의 제도적 장치를 활용하여 안으로부터 점진적으로 민주주의의 가치와 원칙을 잠식하는 현상이다. 이 논문은 우선 한국의 정치적 양극화와 강한 당파성의 추이를 검토한다. 이어서 최근 한국 정치에서 발견되는 민주주의 퇴행 현상을 정당 및 집권자 수준과 대중 수준에서 분석한다. 이 논문은 한국 민주주의의 퇴행이 민주적 제도를 합법적으로 활용하여 점진적으로 이루어진다는 점을 보여준다. 또한 한국 민주주의에 대한 위협은 포퓰리즘의 위협과 전문가 기술관료주의 위협, 두 가지로부터 비롯될 수 있다는 점을 제시한다.

This paper examines the relationship between ideological polarization and party disloyalty, focusing on the moderating role of the status of a political party in the legislature, i.e., the ruling party or the opposition party. It hypothesizes that the ruling party is willing to endorse disloyal candidates whose issue positions are not close to their own party's platform, whereas the opposition party is likely to punish disloyal candidates to demonstrate party unity in the nomination process. The present study tests this hypothesis, using data from South Korea, where the nomination process for the parliamentary election is dominated by party leaders. The results are by and large consistent with the hypotheses. In line with previous studies, our results suggest that party loyalty is one of the driving forces of polarization in politics. In order to fully understand party polarization at the level of political elites, it is necessary to consider heterogeneous effects of party members' behavior on candidate selection, varying across the party's status, either the ruling party or the opposition party.

본 연구는 한국의 국회의원 선거 경선 과정을 분석하여 당내 경선에서 어떤 요인들이 후보자의 당선에 영향을 미치는지를 경험적으로 분석한다. 이를 위하여 본 연구는 19대, 20대, 21대 국회의원 선거를 대상으로 더불어민주당과 국민의힘의 당내 경선에 출마하였던 후보자들의 정보를 수집하였다. 분석한 결과, 더불어민주당과 국민의힘 당내 경선에서 당선에 공통적으로 유의미한 영향을 미친 변수들은 현역 의원(지역위원장) 여부, 국회의원 경력, 청와대 근무 경력, 출마한 지역구가 포함된 지역의 지방자치단체장 경력인 것으로 나타났다. 반면에 출마 지역 고등학교 졸업 여부는 민주통합당과 더불어민주당 경선에서만 당내 경선에서 영향을 미치는 것으로 나타났으며, 성별은 새누리당과 미래통합당 경선에서만 유의미한 영향을 미치는 것으로 나타났다.

연구 목적: 본 연구는 중앙선거관리위원회 국제선거참관사업의 설계 및 집행과정을 평가하고, 사업 개선을 위한 시사점을 도출하고자 하였다.연구 방법: 문헌 조사 및 이해관계자 인터뷰를 통해 수집된 결과를 전통적 내용 분석 방법으로 분석하였고, OECD DAC 평가 기준을 프레임워크로 활용하여 평가하였다.연구 내용: 본 사업은 한국의 민주선거 발전 경험을 토대로 하며 참여 국가의 선거 역량강화를 목적으로 한다는 점에서 타 국제선거참관 사업에 비해 비교우위를 가진다. 또한 본 사업은 수원국의 민주 선거 개발 수요에 부합하고, 국내외 정책과도 일관성이 있으며, 운영 효율성을 갖추고 있는 사업으로 평가하였다.결론 및 제언: 본 사업은 적절성, 일관성, 효율성의 측면에서 비교적 높게 평가가 되었으나, 보다 체계적인 운영과 성과관리를 위하여 사업이론 수립, 평가 시스템 개선, 사업 매뉴얼 구축 등 개선의 여지가 존재하기에 추후 이를 보완하기 위한 노력이 요구된다.

This study accessed the impact of executive-legislature relations on national development in Nigeria with special emphasis on the 8th National Assembly which ran its course from 2015 to 2019. The objective of the study is to determine the extent to which the relationship between the executive and the 8th National Assembly have impacted on national development in Nigeria within the period under review. This study anchored on structural-functional approach propounded by Gabriel Almond, ex-post facto research design, documentary method of data collection and qualitative descriptive method of data analysis. It discovered that the fragile relationship between the executive and the 8th National Assembly negatively impacted on national development in Nigeria, so it went further to recommend that the National Orientation Agency must take it as a paramount duty to conduct periodic seminars for our legislators and executives in order to tune their minds toward national development.

대만은 근대 일본이 최초로 획득한 식민지였기에 식민지 통치체제와 관련한 모든 사안을 문자 그대로 만들어 가야 했다. 메이지 헌법 체제 하의 근대 일본에 있어서 식민지는 어떤 위치를 점하는가(또는 점해야 하는가), 메이지 헌법은 식민지에 적용되어야 하는가, 그렇지 않다면 어떤 법령 체계를 적용해야 하는가, 법령의 운용체계(=사법)는 어떠해야 하는가, 식민지 수장에게는 어떤 권한과 지위를 부여해야 하는가, 식민지 주민에게는 어떤 권리와 의무를 부여해야 하는가 등의 문제에 대해 어떤 형태로든 대응해나가야 했다.식민지 통치의 선배격인 구미 제국주의의 식민지 통치 방식을 참조하고 아울러 군부, 원로, 정당 등 국내 각 정치 세력 간의 길항과 절충을 거쳐 형성되어간 대만 통치체제의 골격은 대체로 ① 식민지 위임입법 제도(異法域의 창출), ② 총독부 체제(무관총독제에 기초한 종합적 특수행정), ③ 조사와 통계에 입각한 ‘과학적’ 통치, ④ 적극적 재정 노선(적극주의적 식민지경영) 등으로 요약할 수 있다.특히 ④의 온전한 실행에는 지속적인 경제성장과 이를 통한 재정의 확보가 필수적인 전제였는데, 그 점에서 대만은 조선보다 성공적이었다고 할 수 있다. 이 점은 1인당 GDP를 연구하는 경제사 연구자들의 추계로도 뒷받침되지만, 본고는 생활수준을 일정하게 반영한다고 판단되는 지표, 즉 두 지역 행려사망자의 규모와 설탕 소비량의 비교 및 동시대 대만인의 관찰을 통하여 명확히 확인할 수 있었다.이상 본고의 관찰 결과는, 그동안 식민지 역사에 관한 거대이론들(grand theories), 예컨대 식민지근대화론이나 식민지수탈론, 식민지근대(성)론 등이 (보편성을 추구하는 거대이론의 속성상) 개별 식민지가 보여주는 역사적 개성의 이해에는 다소 약점을 보였음을 말해주는 동시에, 식민지 역사의 이해와 연구에 있어서 기존의 거대이론을 기계적으로 적용하는 방법론과는 다른 방법론이 더욱 활발하게 모색되어야 한다는 점을 말해준다.

한국의 불안정한 정당체제는 오랜 권위주의 정치의 산물인 동시에 그 시대에 형성된 정당국가적 정당모델과 정치제도의 영향이 크다. 헌법 제8조의 정당조항과 정당법에 대한 종래의 해석론은 그것이 도입된 시대의 이론적 배경과 법리에 지배되어 왜곡된 정당제도와 폐쇄적인 정당경쟁을 고착화하고 있다. 이에 이 논문에서는 한국헌법상 정당제도와 정당의 자유 보장의 근거조항인 헌법 제8조 정당조항에 대한 새로운 해석관점을 제시함으로써, 정당이 국민과 국가를 단절시키는 권력의 도구가 아니라, 국민의 정치적 플랫폼으로 이해되고 활용될 수 있는 규범적 기초를 제시하고자 하였다.<br/> 우선 헌법상 정당의 자유는 ‘개인의 정당을 통한 정치적 참여의 자유’라는 관점에서 다시 해석되어야 할 것이다. 다음으로, 종래 한국의 정당제도의 해석의 이론적·법리적 기반이 되어온 제도보장론과 정당국가적 정당제도모델을 비판적으로 검토하였다. 이를 바탕으로, 헌법 제8조 정당조항의 의미를 재해석하였다: 동조 제1항은 정당의 자유의 헌법적 보장의 근거로서, 동항 후단의 복수정당제 보장은 국민의 정치적 자유를 강화시키는 방향으로 해석되어야 하고, 제2항은 정당의 자유에 대한 한계가 아니라 정당의 조직과 운영에 대한 헌법의 기본적 요청으로, 제3항은 정당에 대한 국가의 법적ㆍ제도적 차원의 적극적 보호의무로, 그리고 제4항은 정당의 존립을 보장하는 국가의 소극적 보호의무의 근거로 해석할 것을 제안하였다.<br/> 나아가, 오랜 세월 동안 국민없는 정당체제를 유지시키고, 국민의 정당설립의 자유 실현에 장애물이 되어온 대표적 사례로서 정당법상 정당등록제도와 등록취소제도의 위헌성을 논하였다. 그리고, 실질적으로 정당성립요건으로 기능하고 있는 정당등록요건의 위헌성을 2006년과 2022년 헌법재판소의 결정을 통해 논증하였다. 특히 최근의 헌재 2022. 11. 24. 2019헌마445결정의 논증과정에서 나타난 정당의 자유 논증과정의 한계를 비판적으로 검토함으로써, 개인의 정치적 자유의 실현의 관점에서 정당의 자유에 대한 이해를 제고하여야 할 필요성을 지적하였다.

이 연구는 2022년 한국에서 나타난 민주주의 후퇴 현상에 초점을 두고 주요 정치적 이슈들과 주목할만한 사회경제적 상황 및 동북아 주변국과의 관계 변화를 분석하였다. 이 시기 한국은 코로나19 확진자의 급증에도 불구하고 일상생활을 회복하게 되었다. 집값 폭등이 멈추었고 고용률이 상승하였지만, 고금리로 인한 시민들의 대출이자 상환 부담이 가중되었다. 북한의 반복된 미사일 시험발사에 대응한 한미일 연합군사훈련 및 금융제재와 비핵화를 위한 ‘담대한 구상’은 북한의 적대적 태도의 변화를 이끌지 못하였다. 제20대 대선과 제8회 지방선거 과정에서 정치적 양극화가 심해졌으며, 윤석열 정부의 출범 이후에는 민주주의 후퇴에 대한 우려가 대통령 시행령 의존성, 검경의 정치적 중립성 훼손, 정당 정치의 사인화, 언론 및 (학문적)표현의 자유 침해 등 다양한 차원에서 제기되었다. 상당한 수준의 민주주의 회복력을 갖추었음도 불구하고 한국에서 나타난 이와 같은 민주주의 후퇴 현상은 행정부, 입법부, 사법부 간 ‘견제와 균형’의 확립을 비롯한 정치개혁의 필요성을 제기한다.

The Republic of Korea is a relatively young democratic state which was established in 1948. The Korean National Assembly is supported by a number of offices as well as the staff assigned to the standing committees. In South Korea, all public employment is guided by an open competition policy for recruitment and the relevant procedures and requirements are arranged through national laws. Due to the nature of their work, to assist the Assembly and the lawmakers, the National Assembly Secretariat and the other Assembly offices occasionally open a call for particular research projects. This chapter discusses that the KNA is supported by a well-organized structure composed of four major organizational units as well as the staff assigned to the 17 standing committees. However, the Assembly continued to function and facilitate meetings and the work of elected members throughout the pandemic, with comparatively little disruption compared to other advanced democracies.

최근 미 · 중 경쟁이 격화되고 경제 안보가 화두로 떠오른 맥락에서 미국 바이든 정부는 입법 정치를 통한 외교 정책 형성에 주력하고 있다. 미국 의회가 법으로 통과시키는 미국 대외 정책은 그 파급력을 무시하기 어렵기 때문에 미국 의회의 동향을 민감하게 파악하고 대응책을 세우는 일이 한국 외교의 또 다른 도전이 되고 있다. 하지만, 체계적이고 영속적인 대미 의회 외교 전략 수립을 위한 연구가 부족하다. 이런 맥락에서 본 연구는 성공적인 대미 의회 외교 전략을 제언하고자 한다. 의회는 행정부와는 달리 집합적 행위자라는 사실에 착안하여, 지속적이고 체계적인 대미 의회 외교 전략 수립을 위한 출발점으로 우선 미국 의회의 정책 네트워크에 주목한다. 정책 중심의 네트워크는 기존의 소셜미디어/상임위원회 중심의 네트워크 분석이 직면하는 문제에서 상대적으로 자유롭기 때문이다. Stochastic Degree Sequence Model(SDSM)로 제117대 미국 연방의회(2021-22)의원들 간 정책 네트워크 분석을 통해 입법 과정에서의 영향력과 한국 국회와의 교류 관심도를 기준으로 대미 의회 외교 접근의 대상을 설정하고, 이들과의 체계적이고 영속적인 외교 채널을 구축하기 위한 전략으로 “의원협의체 방식”, “보좌진 교류 방식”, “상임위원회 협력 방식” 등으로 나누어 제시한다.

With the continuous development of modern society and economy, the people in the new era have greater aspirations for a better life. Tourism has become a kind of people's spiritual pursuit for a better life. At the same time, with the improvement of people's living standard and the change of consumption concept, the number of people who travel on ice and snow in winter and like ice and snow sports is increasing year by year. Under such an opportunity, the development and utilization of snow and ice resources has been the focus of the central and local governments for many years. The rapid development of our ice and snow industry is supported by the policies of the central and local governments. However, behind the rapid development of ice and snow industry, there are a series of problems and deficiencies that need to be solved urgently. The development of the snow and ice industry should be protected from several aspects--such as: the development and protection of snow and ice resources in accordance with the law, the establishment and improvement of laws and regulations for the development of the mass snow and ice industry, the clarification of the legal status of snow and ice resources, the improvement of the diversified dispute settlement mechanism, and the increase of citizen participation--so that the development and protection of snow and ice resources can achieve a win-win goal of economic and social benefits.

The 9th National Assembly in Nigeria was elected in 2015 and represents the most extensive democratic period of legislative governance in the country’s history. This study examines the performance of the National Assembly as a mechanism of democratic governance in Nigeria. Specifically, we explore the legislative processes used by the Assembly, the extent of its accountability to the electorate, and the way it has impacted Nigerian democracy and development. Structural functionalism was adopted as the theoretical framework on the function of the Legislature, we employed qualitative methods to explain the Legislature and good governance, and evaluate the performance of the ninth assembly of the Nigerian State. The analysis of its roles in the creation of laws revealed a sizable disparity in terms of public involvement and consultation. Findings also revealed that the poor relationship between the executive and the legislative branch of government has slowed the development of democratic governance. It is recommended that Nigerian Legislators should prioritize legislative productivity and concentrate on passing legislation that will directly benefit society. In conclusion it was deduced that there is a substantial disparity between legislators and their constituents, according to the appraisal of legislators' performance in the Ninth Assembly in terms of representation as most law makers are perceived to be self-serving.

최근 한국 유권자들의 당파적 양극화(partisan polarization), 즉 거대 양당 지지자들 사이의 정치적 양극화에 대한 관심이 높아지고 있다. 그러나 유권자들이 당파적 양극화를 어떻게 인식하고 있는지, 특히 양극화를 실제보다 크게 인식하는 양극화의 오류(false polarization)가 나타나는지에 대해서는 알려진 바가 없다. 이에 이 연구에서는 지난 20대 대통령 선거 여론조사 결과를 이용하여 이를 경험적으로 분석하였다. 분석 결과, 한국 유권자들은 민주당과 국민의힘 지지자들 사이의 정치적 차이가 실제보다 더 크다고 인식하는 것으로 나타났다. 즉, 민주당 지지자들의 이념과 주요 정책들에 대한 입장은 실제보다 더 진보적이라고 인식된 반면에 국민의힘 지지자들의 입장은 실제보다 더 보수적이라고 인식된 것이다. 그리고 특히 국민의 힘 지지자들의 민주당 지지자들에 대한 잘못된 인식 혹은 오해(misperception), 즉 민주당 지지자들이 실제보다 더 진보적인 입장을 갖고 있다고 인식하는 경향이 상대적으로 강했다. 이러한 결과는 한국의 거대 양당 지지자들 사이의 적대감이 부분적으로 상대 정당 지지자들에 대한 잘못된 인식 혹은 오해에서 비롯된 것일 수 있다는 것을 시사한다.

This chapter studies the committee system of the National Assembly focusing on the activities and contents of the standing committee. First, the composition and current status of the standing committees and subcommittees, as well as their powers and functions, are reviewed. The chapter evaluates the contents of the standing committee’s bill review, budget review and petition review, and discusses the functions and roles of the standing committee-centred Korean committee system. Next, the chapter examines legislative support bodies including the National Assembly Secretariat (NAS), the National Assembly Research Service (NARS), the National Assembly Budget Office (NABO) and the National Assembly Library (NAL). Lastly, the chapter reviews the National Assembly Legislative Investigation Office and the National Assembly Budget Policy Office, which perform the legislative investigation and budget audit functions.

Abstract This paper studies the practice of parliamentary diplomacy in the context of EU–Korea relations arguing that this is an essential element in the bilateral relationship. Having defined the concept of parliamentary diplomacy, the development of interaction between the European Parliament (EP) and the National Assembly of Republic of Korea, Korean National Assembly (KNA) is being analysed. Their bilateral relations began in 1994 and further deepened in 2004 when the EP set up the Delegation for Relations with the Korean Peninsula. Subsequently, the EP Delegation and the KNA-EU Interparliamentary Council regularly met to discuss various issues, from trade agreements to security issues on the Korean Peninsula and defence matters more generally. This examination of parliamentary diplomacy also demonstrates the way in which bilateral relations have been influenced by electoral cycles on both sides and more generally by changes in the respective domestic political situations.

이 글의 목적은 2022년에 치러진 제20대 대통령 선거에서 자산변수가 투표결정에 미친 영향을 검증하는 한편, 이 과정에서 주관적 이념성향이나 여성가족부 폐지 이슈와 같은 매개변수가 투표결정에 미친 효과를 분석하는 것이다. 최근 신자유주의적 금융화로 인해 자산변수가 중요한 정치균열 요인으로 주목받고 있다. 하지만 토마 피케티가 말하는 ‘브라만좌파’ 같이 경제적으로는 상층에 속하지만 이념적으로는 진보적이면서 좌파 정당을 지지하는 유권자 집단도 존재하기 때문에 자산 변수만으로 현대사회의 정치적 균열을 설명하는 데에는 한계가 있다. 한국의 선거정치에서도 지난 제20대 대선은 문재인 정부의 부동산 정책 실패에 대한 심판이 핵심 이슈로 부상하면서 시작 전부터 부동산 선거가 될 것이라는 예상이 지배적이었지만, 실제로는 여성가족부 폐지나 후보에 대한 비호감 등 부동산 이외에 다양한 요인들이 선거결과에 영향을 미쳤던 것으로 평가받는다. 이러한 맥락에서 이 글은 캠벨의 ‘인과관계의 논리적 통로’ 개념을 따라 투표 행위에 영향을 미치는 변수를 원인(遠因)과 근인(近因)으로 구분하고, 로지스틱 회귀분석을 통해 자산기반투표 가설을 검증하는 한편, 경로분석을 통해 문재인 정부의 부동산 정책 실패, ‘여성가족부 폐지’ 같은 구체적인 선거쟁점이나 후보에 대한 비호감도, 이념성향, 정당 호감도 등 근인(近因)들의 매개효과를 분석한다. 이러한 분석을 통해 윤석열 후보 투표의 경우에는 상대적으로 뚜렷한 자산기반투표 경향을 확인할 수 있는 반면, 이재명 후보투표의 경우는 젠더이슈나 후보에 대한 비호감도 등의 요인에 의해 자산변수의 영향력이 상대적으로 약화된다는 점을 보일 것이다. 이러한 연구는 금융화 시대에 자산 변수와 함께 젠더 같은 정체성 요인들이 어떻게 투표행위에 영향을 미칠 수 있는지, 그것이 한국 정치에 제기하는 의미는 무엇인지 살펴보는데 중요한 함의를 제공할 것이다.

How has COVID-19 affected the personalization of executive power in South Korea? To answer this question, we draw on the conceptual framework of personalization concerning democracies and autocracies. We find that, personalization attempts were made via mechanism of personnel management (e.g., the appointment of allies within the pandemic-response bureaucracy) and via mechanism violence which consists of enacting the Infectious Diseases Control and Prevention Act, which restricted the freedom of assembly of anti-government forces. However, personnel management was more pronounced than the mechanism of violence due to the role of administrative courts and the National Human Rights Commission, which prevented an outright ban of freedom of assembly. Under the Park administration, many personalization attempts were made but not fully realized due to the fragmented command chain within the pandemic bureaucracy. We discuss the prospects of continued personalization under the Yoon administration via personnel management in the pandemic bureaucracy.

This dissertation is about the electoral behaviors of candidates and voters in South Korean General Elections with the wish to suggest a generalizable concept and theory of electoral personalization. Electoral personalization occurs when political actors (i.e., candidates and voters) rely on candidate-related factors instead of party-related factors as they campaign or vote.In this dissertation, I attempt to theorize how electoral personalization progresses. Despite the importance and frequent usage of the concept, scholars still need to achieve a precise and unified definition of personalization. Hence, in Chapter 2, I conceptualized personalization concerning electoral behavior, such as candidates’ campaign personalization and voters’ voting personalization. To do so, I created a typology of electoral personalization with two conceptual dimensions – candidate individuality vs. party collectivity and district localization vs. country nationalization. The former dimension categorizes electoral behaviors in terms of candidate-centered vs. party-centered, which resembles the categorization of the previous campaign studies. The latter dimension categorizes electoral behaviors in regard to policy orientation, which has often been neglected. Based on this categorization, I established four ideal types of electoral behavior that exist on a continuum between depersonalized and personalized. Thus, I consider candidates’ campaign personalization and voters’ voting personalization as a matter of degree rather than a kind.Based on the conceptualization, I generated a theoretical framework to analyze electoral behavior, including candidates’ campaign behavior and voters’ voting behavior in Chapter 3. The reason to generate a somewhat ambitious framework that covers a full election cycle is that campaigning and voting do not occur in a contextual vacuum. Also, candidates’ campaigns are not independent of voters’ voting and vice versa; these two stages are interactional. Hence, I argue that we need to analyze the connection from the political and socio-economic setting/context to the candidates’ campaign stage and from the campaign stage to the voters’ voting stage to understand under what conditions electoral personalization progresses. This theoretical framework of electoral personalization is generalizable and applicable to other countries or institutional contexts, even though I focus on the case of Korea in this dissertation.Understanding Korean electoral personalization is critical to fill the theoretical, methodological, and empirical gap in the study of personalization of politics. As one of the most-likely cases, understanding the Korean electoral personalization case is theoretically beneficial. It allows us to closely examine the scope of conditions and identify the causal necessity or sufficiency of electoral personalization. With much constituency candidate behavior data based on Korean Candidate Advertisements, I constructed an original candidate campaign behavior dataset, as explained in Chapter 4. The new datasets allow us to explore electoral personalization in Korea from the generally overlooked Asian region. By doing so, it is possible to investigate further whether we observe any differences and similarities compared to the previously examined country cases in the view of personalization of politics. Furthermore, as a new democracy, the Korean case can shed light on comparative electoral personalization between old and new democracies.From various statistical tests, this dissertation shows that country-, district-, and individual-level political and socio-economic factors influence candidates’ campaign personalization. Particularly, political factors, such as the national political scandal, party system (e.g., party’s ideological position), and incumbency, significantly impact campaign personalization, as shown in Chapter 5. Although the district-level socio-economic factors, such as the district’s urbanization, play a significant role in campaign personalization when I ran a bivariable test, the impact disappeared when it was tested with other political factors. Similarly, the influence of candidates’ socio-economic factors, such as age and education, also disappeared when they were statistically tested with other political factors.Voters’ voting personalization also progressed in Korea. Voters tend to reward candidates who personalized campaigns. Statistical tests with conditional logit models in Chapter 6 confirmed that voters prefer candidates who adopted personalized strategies, such as emphasizing the connection to the district or district specific issues/policy. Furthermore, the pattern or degree of voters’ voting personalization changes by an outbreak of a national political scandal and voters’ partisan status. Interestingly, even partisan voters personalized their voting by choosing candidates who emphasized their district specific policy/development; party-focused strategies did not attract partisan voters. I discuss the possible reason for the counterintuitive outcome in Chapter 6.All in all, this dissertation found expected and unexpected outcomes throughout the empirical analyses. The unexpected outcomes are discussed in detail in both Chapters 5 and 6. The counterintuitive outcomes suggest interesting future research, as discussed in Chapter 7. Among the future studies, the following research can be quite beneficial: comparative country studies on electoral personalization, including the case of Japan and Taiwan; studies on independents – campaign and voting personalization of independent candidates and independent voters; transferring text into data using computerized content analysis of Korean Candidate Advertisement to cover entire candidates over the six democratic elections.

기존 연구들이 제시한 다양한 정당 유형들을 통합적으로 검토한 크라우웰(Krouwel 2012)은 “개인화된 정당”(personalized parties)을 분석에 포함하지 않았고, 라핫(Rahat 2022)이 제시한 개인화된 정당 모형들은 한국 정당을 설명하기 어렵다는 한계가 있다. 본 논문은 크라우웰과 라핫이 제시한 정당 분류 기준에 “정당 제도화 수준”(the level of party institutionalization)이라는 기준을 추가하여 서구뿐만 아니라 비서구 민주주의 국가의 정당을 분류하기 위한 분석 틀을 제시하였다. 본 논문은 정당 모형의 특징들을 조작화하여 서로 다른 정당 모형들의 차이와 유사성을 비교하였다. 본 논문의 분석은 한국 정당은 라핫이 제시한 개인화된 정당 모형 중 “지도자 정당”(leader party) 모형과 가장 유사하다는 사실을 발견하였다. 그러나 본 논문은 한국 정당과 서구의 지도자 정당은 본질적으로 서로 다르다는 사실을 지적하고, 한국 정당을 제도화 수준이 낮은 “파벌 정당”(factional party)으로 분류 하였다.

This article provides an empirical overview of political polarization in Korea from 2004 to 2021 based on a wealth of longitudinal surveys. We consider elite as well as mass polarization, document the extent of ideological polarization in terms of standard left-right measures, and consider more specific forms of polarization, including affective polarization and the specific issues that are proving divisive. We find that polarization in the country has increased over time, but not among the electorate as a whole. Rather partisan identifiers and party activists of the two main parties have shown a movement towards the extremes in terms of ideology, issue positions, and aversion towards the other party. For both legislators and the voting public, the substantive scope of political polarization is widening, encompassing not only foreign policy but also economic issues that had not seen strong signs of partisan divergence in the past.

This study aims to outline the results and factors of the eight presidential elections held by the Republic of Korea over the past 35 years since democratization in 1987. Since the election analysis so far has focused on individual factors or specific elections, it is insufficient to show the main factors that run through the entire elections, and their correlations. This study comprehensively examines the characteristics of the presidential elections after democratization focusing on regionalistic voting behavior, election competition structure, regional election coalition, political situation, and candidate factor which have been pointed out as major factors in the presidential election. Through this, it is possible to discover several principles of competition that commonly worked in the presidential elections. First, it is an advantageous structure for candidates from Gyeongsang-do to win in a situation where regionalism is dominant. Second, it is difficult to win if candidates divide, whether conservative or liberal. Third, in the election coalition, the outcome is determined by who makes political coalition with Chungcheong-do . Fourth, the greater the disappointment with the incumbent government, the greater the pressure for regime change, and the disadvantage of the ruling party candidate. Finally, voters generally prefer presidential candidates who are far from Yeouido politics . The outcome of the election was determined by the interaction of these factors.

This article analyzes electoral competition between key parties in the Republic of Korea. Although the electoral geography of RoK is atypical, the presence of an almost two-party system and the use of single-member districts allow for the analysis of competition in Korean elections in the same context as in more studied countries such as the United States, Canada, and New Zealand. We define the stably swing constituencies in 2000-2020’s, their location and factors of high volatility. The overwhelming majority of districts which regularly change their political orientation are located in the north of the country — Capital Region and Chungcheon — where high competition is observed in the largest cities. Electoral differentiation of urban agglomerations is complex and subject to the influence of multiple factors, but several patterns can be identified. A significant portion of swing constituencies are in this state due to their location in transitional zones between areas with high support for candidates from the conservative camp (center and far periphery of the city) and their opponents (suburban semi-periphery). The main factor of differentiation is the electoral divide between different generations of voters. In small cities, the electorate of the main parties balances each other out, resulting in these constituencies regularly changing their party orientation. Some constituencies in the center of Seoul have special significance for both parties, so political heavyweights traditionally run in them, attracting attention to their constituencies and making them swing.

Risk perception research, targeting the general public, necessitates the study of the multi-faceted aspects of perceived risk through a holistic approach. This study aimed to investigate the association between the two dimensions of risk perception of COVID-19, i.e., risk as a feeling and analysis, trust in the current government, political ideologies, and socio-demographic factors in South Korea. This study used a year-long repeated cross-sectional design, in which a national sample (n = 23,018) participated in 23 consecutive telephone surveys from February 2020 to February 2021. Most factors differed in the magnitude and direction of their relationships with the two dimensions of risk perception. However, trust in the current government, alone, delineated an association in the same direction for both dimensions, i.e., those with a lower level of trust exhibited higher levels of cognitive and affective risk perception. Although these results did not change significantly during the one-year observation period, they are related to the political interpretation of risk. This study revealed that affective and cognitive risk perceptions addressed different dimensions of risk perception. These findings could help governments and health authorities better understand the nature and mechanisms of public risk perception when implementing countermeasures and policies in response to the COVID-19 pandemic and other public health emergencies.

The North Korean Election Act had a great influence on the process of deciding the Constitutional National Assembly Election Act. In 1948, the United Nations Temporary Commission on Korea on Korea compared and studied North Korea's election law with the election law enacted by South Korean Interim Legislative Assembly, and had a meeting to listen to the opinions of major domestic figures on the age of North Korea's right to vote. In the interview, the age issue of voting rights was mentioned first, and in North Korea's election regulations, it was also mentioned that the age of voting rights was 20 years or older. While the election law was enacted in South Korea, North Korea continued to criticize the South Korea's election law as undemocratic and limited. On the other hand, North Korea touted that North Korea's election laws and socialist countries' election laws represent 'true democracy'. This situation served as a very unfavorable factor for the United States to show off the excellence of American democracy in South Korea, and rather a positive factor in the process of enacting a “democratic” election law. The U.S. military government was considering left-wing propaganda in the process of enacting the election law. In addition, North Korea's election law directly or indirectly affected the decision-making process of the U.S. military government. In this regard, it can be confirmed once again through the issue of the age of the election law that South Korea and North Korea consciously and unconsciously influence each other through various ways.

본 연구는 제8회 지방선거 기초단체장 후보 정당 공천에서의 현직 효과에 대해서 분석한다. 보통 현직 효과는 선거 당락에 대한 영향 위주로 연구가 집중되어 있으나, 본 연구는 선거 이전 단계인 정당 공천에서도 현직 효과가 직접적으로 영향을 미치는지에 초점을 두었다는 점에서 기존 연구와 차별화된다. 제8회 지방선거 기초단체장 예비후보자 명부를 사용하여 정당 공천을 경험적으로 분석한 결과, 지역주의 투표가 강하게 나타나는 지역에서는 현직자의 경선 비율이 다른 지역보다 높게 나타나는 것을 확인했다. 이와 더불어 현직 효과가 정당 공천에 직접적으로 영향을 미치며, 현직자의 정당 공천 참여 유형 또한 공천 여부에 영향을 주는 것으로 나타났다.

In a democratic system, parliament is, on one hand, a representative institution of the people and, on the other hand, exists with a status of a political institution as a policy-making and law-making body. It is guaranteed by the Constitution. In addition legislature serves for political systems actively and becomes its dynamic expression. Parliamentary institution plays a tremendous role in and influences heavily on the political development. In this work, first, the author will consider general overview of constitutional systems of two countries. Then the author will discuss about the role and the status of parliament in the political system from their historical and functional sides, providing it with some patterns of the legislative institution. Moreover, electoral system and last election results, political parties’ seat ratio in parliament and the level of the voter turnout or citizen participation in the elections will be introduced here as well. Finally, it will cover the issues of the legislature’s effects in the political development and the process of strengthening of democracy and, furthermore, what potentials it will contain in further democratic process.

시민참여단 500명을 대상으로 2023년 5월 6일과 13일에 국회 정치개혁 특별위원회에서는 국회의원 선거제도 개편에 대한 공론조사를 진행하였다. 이번 조사는 선거제도 개편의 원칙과 목표, 지역구 국회의원 선거구의 크기, 비례대표 국회의원 선출방식, 지역구·비례대표 의석 비율과 의원정수에 대해 논의하였다. 이를 통해 승자독식 선거제도를 극복하고 국민이 수용할 수 있는 선거제도를 마련하려는 노력이 이루어졌다. 하지만, 선거제도의 문제점과 개선방안을 제시하기 위한 이 연구의 목적은 현 선거제도가 국민의 정치적 성장을 저해하고 있다는 사실을 근거로, 대한민국의 국민을 위한 선거제도의 바람직한 방향을 제시하는 데 있다.<br/> 우리나라 선거제도는 50년의 민주주의 발전을 거쳐 여러 변화를 겪었지만, 여전히 문제점들이 존재한다. 먼저, ‘준연동형 비례대표제’는 선거 불비례성을 바로잡지 못하며, 비례성이 낮고 경쟁적이지 않아 폐쇄적이고 배타적인 대표성을 지속해서 유발하고 있다. 둘째, ‘위성정당’ 출현은 선거제도의 허점을 악용하는 문제를 보여주며, 이는 국민의 대표성에 타격을 주고 있다. 이 두 문제는 선거제도의 효과적인 개선을 위해 근본적으로 해결해야 하는 문제들이다.<br/> 본 논문은 한국의 선거제도 개편 필요성을 주장하며, 이를 위한 선행과제를 탐색한다. 뉴질랜드와 이탈리아의 사례를 분석하여, 거대양당 중심제의 탈피 및 국민을 위한 선거제도로의 개편을 제안한다. 뉴질랜드는 불신과 불만 속에서 혼합형 비례대표제로 선거법을 개정하였고, 이탈리아는 대안 정당이 주류로 자리를 잡을 수 있었다. 본 논문은 이 두 사례를 통해 선거제도의 국민 중심 개편이 필요함을 보여주며, 이를 위해선 새로운 정치 세력이 국민의 지지를 받아야 함을 강조하고 있다. 이를 통해 한국의 선거제도 개편에 대한 가능성과 방향성을 제시하는 데에 의의가 있다.

We, as citizens of the planet and members of the Global Greens, United in our awareness that we depend on the Earth's vitality, diversity and beauty, and that it is our responsibility to pass them on, undiminished or even improved, to the next generation Recognising that the dominant patterns of human production and consumption, based on the dogma of economic growth at any cost and the excessive and wasteful use of natural resources without considering Earth's carrying capacity, are causing extreme deterioration in the environment and a massive extinction of species Acknowledging that injustice, racism, poverty, ignorance, corruption, crime and violence, armed conflict and the search for maximum short term profit are causing widespread human suffering Accepting that developed countries through their pursuit of economic and political goals have contributed to the degradation of the environment and of human dignity Understanding that many of the world's peoples and nations have been impoverished by the long centuries of colonisation and exploitation, creating an ecological debt owed by the rich nations to those that have been impoverished

This article explores the causes of the unexpected rise of the New Korea Democratic Party (NKDP). In the 1985 National Assembly election, a new party, NKDP emerged as the main opposition party, which led to the collapse of the party system manufactured by the authoritarian regime. We argue that the election results primarily aimed at restructuring the ‘opposition bloc’. The election results were less related with public outcry against the Chun Doo-hwan regime or as a punishment for the ruling Democratic Justice Party. However, the election provided a critical opportunity for the regime-challenging NKDP to unite with young people who were the vanguard of political resistance to the authoritarian regime. In that sense, the 1985 election gave an important momentum for the pro-democracy movement later. In addition, social and economic changes such as urbanization, the rise of young voters in the demographic structure, and the mass production of ‘highly educated voters’ were also important factors for the rise of the NKDP in the 1985 election.

Social media not only changes the traditional communication environment, but also introduces new modifications to agenda setting. With the increasing use of social bots in public opinion manipulation and political election interference, whether they can participate in or influence agenda setting has become an urgent concern. Currently, there is limited literature focusing on engagement in agenda-setting for social bots agenda setting. This paper examines the content of social media discussion related to the South Korean presidential election, identifies the presence of social bots, and explores the relationships between media agenda, bot agenda, and public agenda from the perspective of agenda setting. The study found that although the primary agendas of the media, social bots, and the public are not identical, they are interconnected. Furthermore, the media agenda does not precede the bot agenda and the public agenda in terms of timeliness, and chronological order is only observed between social bots and the public.

Abstract This study asks why and how a segment of young people have led the emergence of veganism in contemporary South Korea since the mid-2010s, and what this appearance means—especially against the backdrop of the wide interpretation of Korean youth as disillusioned and depoliticized individuals who distrust the possibility of any positive social change. The article argues that the youth-driven Korean veganism has played a role in filling the void of the postdevelopmental, postindustrial, and postliberation era of climate crisis and planetary challenges by working as a broad vision for a good life and meaningful social change. Based on qualitative interviews, textual analysis, and participant observation, the article shows why veganism has worked as a way of alternative survival for vegan youth, how veganism as the source of voice and personal growth has been validated and cultivated by the transnational youth culture, and what has enabled veganism’s solidarity from and coalition with other social movements. The article contributes to diversifying the representation of Korean youth and their agencies beyond the ruins and pessimism of the neoliberalized Korean society.

This paper aims to analyze how the traits of candlelight protest participants have changed from 2004 to 2017 in South Korea. While previous studies have typically identified these traits of the candlelight protesters based on a single survey, this paper examines the change of protest participants using a multi-level analysis. This study argues that voter type and election cycles have a significant impact on an individual's decision to participate in candlelight protests. To be specific, swing voters are less likely to participate in a candlelight protest when the next election is scheduled either too soon or too far. Core liberal voters with a high degree of motivation are more likely to take part in a candlelight protest when the distance from the next election is close, while core conservative voters with a low degree of motivation are not affected by the distance from the next election. This study contributes on both sub-fields, voting behaviors and contentious politics, by combining individuals' voting patterns with political opportunity structures. Survey data (2004, 2010, 2017) conducted by the Korean Political Science Association (KPSA) and the Korean Social Science Data Center (KSSDC) provide empirical support for the arguments.

의원들에게 상임위원회 지도부 선출은 곧 의회 내 영향력 확보와 연결된다. 상임위원회 지도부는 향후에도 정당을 대표하는 원내대표나 당대표가 되는 정치적 경력으로 인식되기 때문에 어떤 의원들이 상임위원회 지도부로 선출되는지 분석하는 것은 학문적으로나 현실적으로 중요한 작업이라고 할 수 있다. 하지만, 구체적으로 어떤 특성을 지닌 의원들이 상임위원장과 간사로 선출되는지에 대해 체계적으로 통계분석을 수행한 연구는 국내에서 거의 이루어지지 않았다. 본 연구는 20대 국회 후반기를 대상으로 어떠한 특성을 지닌 의원들이 상임위원회 지도부(위원장, 간사)로 선출되는지 통계적으로 분석한다. 연구의 주요 분석 결과는 다음과 같다. 첫째, 국회 전반기에 정당충성도가 높은 의원일수록 상임위원회 지도부로 선출될 가능성이 크게 나타났다. 둘째, 소속 정당과 이념 거리가 먼 의원일수록 상임위원회 지도부로 선출될 가능성이 작게 나타났다. 하지만 이러한 관계들은 다수당에서는 나타나지 않았고 소수당에서만 나타났다. 셋째, 국회 전반기에 상임위원회 간사로 선출된 의원들이 그렇지 않은 의원에 비해 후반기에도 간사로 선출될 가능성이 크게 나타났다. 본 연구는 의원의 정당충성도가 상임위원회 지도부 선출에 큰 영향을 미친다는 점을 규명했다는 점에서 의의가 있다. 또한, 미국 의회와는 다르게 한국 국회에서는 소수당이 정당 충성에 대한 대가로 상임위원회 지도부 지위를 주요 보상체계로 활용하고 있다는 점을 보여준다는 점에서 한국 국회에 적합한 이론 개발의 필요성을 제기한다.

Abstract Social media not only changes the traditional communication environment, but also brings new changes to agenda setting. The main body of agenda setting has shifted from the traditional media to the politicians, political parties and grassroots people. With the increasing use of social bots in public opinion manipulation and political election interference, whether they can participate in or influence agenda setting has become an urgent concern. So far, there is less literature focusing on engagement in agenda-setting for social bots. This paper studies the social media discussion content of the South Korean presidential election, determines the participation of social bots, and explores the connection between media agenda, bot agenda and public agenda from the perspective of agenda setting. The study found that while the main agendas of media, social bots and the public are not the same, their agendas are relevant. In addition, the media agenda is not timely ahead of the bot agenda and the public agenda, and the time order only appears between the social bots and the public.

Despite the importance of supermajority rules in protecting minorities, our understanding of supermajority rules has been limited to the experience of the U.S. Senate. This study seeks to contribute to our understanding of institutional choice by introducing another case of supermajority-rule adoption. Once known for legislative brawls, the National Assembly of Korea reformed its procedures in 2012 to require a supermajority to pass controversial legislation. The evidence presented in this study suggests that supermajority rules were adopted in an attempt to reduce chaos and uncertainty in the lawmaking process by shifting the legislature from a norm-based one to a rule-based one. This article demonstrates this by drawing on official documents, interviews, and an automated text analysis of newspapers.

Although there are differences according to the characteristics of each country or the constitution of each country, the principle of parliamentary legislation is the most important element in most constitutionalist countries' constitutions. And legislative power is an essential and inherent power of Parliament. Nevertheless, the diversification, specialization, and diversity of legislative forms in modern society are weakening the position of the National Assembly as a legislative body. In other words, the legislative expertise of the current National Assembly has reached its limit. In the case of local councils, such a realistic problem can be said to be more serious. In this reality, we analyze and compare the legislative support systems of Korea and Germany to obtain implications. Analyzing the legislative support system of the German Bundestag and the House of Representatives and the Hessischer Landtag in comparison with the Korean National Assembly and the Gyeonggi Provincial Assembly, and comparatively examining the results, I think that it will make an academic contribution to enhancing the value of constitutionalism.…

In this study we analyze the spatial patterns in the South Korean voting behavior in the context of the 2016 general election along with the socio-economic determinants of the South Korean voters’ choice. To this end we applied spatial econometric analysis to a unique dataset on the outcomes of the 2016 general elections in South Korea at a highly disaggregate level of 229 provinces. Our empirical model accounts for three types of spatial dependence in the data that has to do with the fact that geographic proximity may imply similar voting behavior. Our empirical findings align well with the existing evidence on South Korean voting behavior, in particular regarding the influence produced by the voters’ region of origin, and their age. Surprisingly, we do not find economic characteristics such as the regional income per capita or the rate of unemployment to produce a statistically significant effect on South Korean voters’ choice. However, our results imply that a sound fiscal policy by the local government may act as a signaling device distinguishing between a conservative and a liberal political agenda. Our finding of the older voters leaning towards the conservative edge of the political spectrum suggests that the “silver democracy” now actively discussed in the South Korean media is increasingly assuming more conservative traits.

본 연구의 목적은 제8회 전국동시지방선거의 정당 공천에서 두드러지게 나타났던 특징을 중심으로 지방선거 공천을 분석하고 지방자치와 정당정치의 관계를 모색해보는 데 있다. 분석결과, 시험을 통한 자질 검증과 능력주의, 청년정치의 기회 확대 및 세대교체, 정당 공천에 대한 사법적 해결의 증가 등 여러 가치들이 충돌하는 가운데, 거대 양당은 예상 득표율을 추산한 후 선출 정수의 범위 내에서 당선 가능성이 있는 인원 정도로만 공천을 제한함으로써 무투표 당선자를 속출시키는 카르텔형 공천 행태를 보였다. 본 연구에서는 한국의 지방선거 공천이 여전히 중앙 정치인들을 위한 권력자원으로 활용될 인물을 충원하는 성격이 강하다는 사실과 이런 특성으로 인해 지방정치가 여전히 중앙에 예속되고 있다는 점도 확인하였다.

Candidate selection is an important issue that determines the quality of representative democracy. The final candidates selected by the people in the election are those who have passed the nomination process of the political party. In other words, the representatives chosen by the people cannot exceed the quality of party nominations. Therefore, the demand for “democratization” of candidate selection methods must now enter a new stage. It is not just democratization that returns the right of nomination to the people, but rather how the decision can be connected with a higher quality choice. In this respect, the problematic awareness of this study is focused on how to improve the quality of Korean party nominations. In this article, I focus on deliberative democracy in order to ensure that deliberation can be ensured in a thoughtful discussion, rather than a party's primary election being reduced to a 'survey democracy' based on opinion polls. If institutional planning is carried out in the candidate selection process in the future, it attempts to make an exploratory proposal on whether deliberative democracy can work.

본 논문은 기초지방자치단체장으로 선출된 이들과 후보자들이 주로 어떻게 경력을 쌓아오는지와 주로 어떤 경력을 가진 이들이 기초지방자치단체 리더십으로 선출되는지를 분석했다. 1~6회까지의 기초지방자치단체장 선거 후보자들을 분석하여 시대별 흐름 속에서 기초지방자치단체를 구성하는데 있어서 어떤 정치 리더십을 대중들이 선호하는지 확인하였다. 당선확률이 높은 경력은 행정공무원과 지자체장 경력이다. 경력을 혼합하여 살펴봤을 때, 당선 여부에 유의미한 영향을 미치는 경력들은 공무원+지방의회, 정치활동+지자체장이다. 이 분석 결과는 유권자들이 기초지방자치단체장 선출에 있어서 어떤 경력 배경을 선호하는지를 보여준다. 이 연구는 그동안 국내에서는 시도되지 않았던 지방자치단체 리더십의 배경을 분석하여 유권자들이 어떤 경력을 만들어온 후보자들을 더 선호하는지를 경험적으로 보여주었다는 것에 의미가 있다.

Using an original survey experiment in South Korea, we find that the introduction of a progressive welfare policy by a right-wing political party makes people more favorable in their perceptions of legitimacy, credibility, and agreement on the policy. We also find that such a support-increasing effect is stronger among people who feel attached to the right-wing party. The results imply that partisan cues are extended to cases where political parties implement policies that do not correspond to their long-established ideology.

본 연구는 국회 내에서 나타나고 있는 와플링과 전략적 와플링에 대해 심도 있게 알아봄으로써 의원들의 의정활동을 좀 더 복합적으로 분석해보는 것을 목적으로 하였다. 이를 위해 제20대 국회에서 표결처리된 188개 갈등법안을 통해 국회에서 벌어지고 있는 와플링의 형태에 대해 알아보고, 의원들의 와플링에 영향을 미치는 요인에 대해 분석해 보았다. 통계분석 결과, 와플링은 다수당보다는 소수당 의원들에 의해 나타나고 있음을 알 수 있었다. 의원들의 이념은 모든 종류의 와플링에 중요한 영향을 미치고 있다는 점을 알 수 있었다. 또한, 의원들의 반대 와플링은 여당이 다수당 위치에 있을 때 소수당 의원들에게서 극명하게 나타난다는 점을 알 수 있었다. 전략적 와플링에 영향을 미치는 요인으로는 소수당, 선수, 그리고 이념의 중요성을 파악할 수 있었다. 의정경험이 적은 의원의 경우 동료 의원의 부탁으로 공동발의에 참여하지만 법안 표결에 있어 반대 입장을 보이면서 회피하는 전략을 사용한 것이라 말할 수 있다. 국회 내 정당 양극화가 심화되고 정당의 중요성이 커지면서 의원들의 결정은 정당의 영향을 받아서 나타나고 있으며, 의원들의 와플링 결정에 있어 정당의 영향력은 커질 것이라 예상해 볼 수 있다.

국회의원은 입법 과정에서 개인의 이념 혹은 정당의 지침에 따라 국민 전체를 대표하도록 기대되지만, 지역구민과 입법자 자기 자신의 이해관계에서 벗어날 수 없다. 이에 본 연구는 종부세법을 분석 대상으로 소속 정당과 이념, 더 나아가 지역구민과 입법자의 이해관계가 입법행태에 미치는 영향력을 검증하였다. 분석 결과, 종부세 완화 법안의 발의에 있어서는 소속 정당과 함께 지역구민과 입법자의 이해관계가 영향력을 미치고 있는 것으로 나타났다. 한편, 종부세 강화 법안 발의에 있어서는 소속 정당이, 종부세 강화 법안의 통과에 있어서는 소속 정당과 이념이 영향력을 미치고 있는 것으로 나타났다. 이러한 연구 결과는 종부세법의 정당 투표, 이념투표의 이면에 숨겨진 지역구민과 입법자의 자기 이해관계의 영향력에 관한 관심을 요구한다.

정당의 공천은 후보자의 본선경쟁력에 어떻게 영향을 미치는가? 이 연구는 제21대 국회의원 선거에서 더불어민주당과 미래통합당이 253개 지역구 대상으로 추천한 후보자 488명과 개별 지역구에 대한 데이터를 이용해 공천 방식이 후보자의 본선득표율에 영향을 미친다는 것을 발견했다. 통계분석 결과, 국회의원 선거에서 상향식 공천 방식은 비현직 후보들의 본선득표율 향상에 기여했다는 것을 보여주었다. 대의민주주의를 구성하는 정당의 핵심 기능 중 하나는 공천이다. 공천은 치열한 당권 경쟁의 산물이며 당의 이미지와 정책을 둘러싼 갈등의 결과물이기도 하다. 정당이 공천한 후보는 유권자들의 지지를 획득하고 선거에 승리해 당선자가 된다. 선거를 앞둔 정당의 공천 결과는 이 정당이 승리하면 앞으로 어떻게 정당의 리더십을 구성하고 어떠한 정책을 중점적으로 추진할지에 대한 정보를 유권자에게 미리 제공하게 된다. 정당 공천에 대한 체계적인 연구는 정당의 제도화와 더불어 민주주의의 심화에도 중요한 영향을 미칠 것이다.

연구 목적: 본 연구의 목적은 유권자의 거주지역, 출신지역, 연령대, 성, 학력, 소득이 박근혜 대통령 탄핵 후에 치러진 제19대 대통령선거에서 보수성향 후보 지지에 어떤 영향을 미쳤는지를 파악하는 데 있다.연구 방법: 선거 후에 실시한 설문조사.연구 내용: 거주지역과 연령대만이 보수성향 후보 지지에 영향을 미쳤다. 거주지역별로 호남 거주자는 압도적으로 비보수 성향 후보를 더 지지했고, 대구ㆍ경북 거주자는 보수성향 후보를 더 많이 지지했다. 기타지역 거주자는 거의 7:3의 비율로 비보수 성향 후보를 더 지지했다. 연령대별로는 모든 연령대에서 보수성향 후보 지지보다 비보수 성향 후보 지지가 높았다. 20대, 40대, 30대, 50대, 60대 이상의 순으로 비보수 성향 후보 지지의 비율이 높다.결론 및 제언: 대통령 탄핵과 같은 사건은 매우 희귀하기에, 본 연구만으로는 적합한 독립변수들을 파악하는 데 한계가 있다. 미래에 유사한 사건이 나타날 때마다 추가적인 연구가 필요하다.

Abstract Previous studies have discussed the effects of electoral competition on corruption, but only a few explored the effects of political power shifts – the results of electoral competition. To fill the gap, this study tests hypotheses that three types of political power shifts (the shifts of individual local government heads, local government ruling party, and local council majority) reduce the corruption (overall, external, and internal), with a panel data set of 226 Korean local governments. The empirical study shows that only shifts in the local government head reduce internal corruption. The other dependent and independent variables do not have any significant relationships. This can be because of structural matters of Korean local politics such as strong mayor-weak council and the closed local elite networks.

Abstract Since 2009, China's growing geopolitical assertiveness has triggered or exacerbated conflicts with many of its neighbors. External threat is often believed to produce domestic cohesion, such as bipartisanship or a rally-‘round-the-flag effect. However, this study uses the cases of Taiwan and South Korea to show that political parties have sometimes united around a response to Chinese pressure but at other times have been sharply divided. Despite Beijing's aggression toward Taiwan since 2016, the Kuomintang and the Democratic Progressive Party remain at odds over cross-strait policy. In contrast, South Korean conservatives and progressives united in response to Chinese economic sanctions over the deployment of Terminal High Altitude Area Defense. I argue that a country is less likely to unite against a foreign threat when a “formative rift” in its history divides political groups over national identity issues and causes them to perceive the threat differently, as in Taiwan but not South Korea. This study is based on a multilingual analysis of Taiwanese and South Korean political parties’ statements on China policy. Its findings contribute to scholarship on how international factors affect domestic politics and our understanding of China's rise.

본 연구는 민주화 이후 한국 국회의원 재·보궐 선거의 투표 참여와 그 결과에 영향을 미치는 요인으로 재･보궐 선거 시행 사유에 주목한다. 기존 연구들은 국회의원 재·보궐 선거가 일종의 임기만료 선거에 보완적이며 종속적인 선거라고 간주하고 중간평가 모델, 선거운동 모델, 또는 투표율 모델을 통해 분석해 왔다. 본 연구는 유권자가 재･보궐 선거를 야기한 데 대해 책임을 묻는 투표 참여와 선택을 수행할 것이라고 주장한다. 분석 결과, 유권자들은 일신상의 이유로 사직 및 사퇴하여 재･보궐 선거를 치르게 된 것에 비하여 직전 총선의 당선자가 비위를 저질러 사퇴하게 되었을 때, 투표장으로 향할 가능성이 큰 것으로 나타났다. 또한, 비위로 인해 재･보궐 선거를 야기한 정당이 재･보궐 선거에 재차 후보자를 내었을 때, 유권자들은 해당 정당의 후보를 선택하지 않을 가능성이 큰 것으로 나타났다. 본 연구는 재·보궐 선거 시행 사유라는 새로운 변수를 통해 유권자들이 재･보궐 선거에서 정치 엘리트에 대해 책임을 묻는 투표 참여 및 선택을 한다는 것을 확인하였다.

In modern democratic politics, members of parliament (MPs) engage in legislative activities influenced by political parties and voters. This article examines how electoral margins within constituencies affect MPs’ party loyalty in roll call votes. We analyzed all bills of the 20th Korean National Assembly (2016–2020), providing evidence for the marginal hypothesis from the perspective of an emerging democratic country. We found MPs were more likely to deviate from the party’s position in roll call votes during their term where voting margins were greater. This relationship was heterogeneous according to MPs’ and local districts’ conditions. We found feedback effects, whereby political parties and voters reflected the MPs’ party loyalty in the subsequent election. These results suggest that in Korea, where pork-centric regionalized politics have become solidified, voters tend to perceive MPs as representatives of political parties, and MPs constrained by tight voting margins seek to follow party discipline to ensure reelection.

Abstract South Korea's persistent enmity towards its erstwhile colonizer Japan has been a compelling topic of East Asian international relations scholarship for decades. This article argues that the historical evolution of South Korea's democracy offers a vital and overlooked piece of this puzzle. Given that it emerged from one of the most virulently anti-communist dictatorships of the Cold War period, in a society facing an ongoing threat from communist North Korea, any left-of-center opposition movement faced an uphill battle against severe anti-communism. In such circumstances, the only way for a leftist opposition party to survive was by pitting its stronger anti-Japan reputation against conservatives’ anti-communism. After South Korea's democracy stabilized, liberals tried and failed to overturn the anti-leftist institutions left over from the Cold War and then sought equilibrium through parallel rhetoric targeting pro-Japanese elements. Today, neither left nor right can afford to allow a final amicable settlement with its respective target of antagonism. Through analyses of domestic political rhetoric targeting alleged pro-Japanese or pro-communist elements, this paper demonstrates how these competing antagonisms achieved an uneasy equilibrium that undergirds South Korean political dynamics to this day.

AbstractDiasporic Korean youth in Canada grow up while realizing their cultural differences. Their awareness of difference often limits the scope of their possible lives. They internalize the White-dominant cultural frame that presents a view of themselves as the other. Young Korean Canadians feel that they are subject to (and have to be validated by) the dominant cultural norms of White Anglo groups at least for a period in their childhood, and later in life they develop more positive ethnic identification. As these young people grow up, they try to explore and negotiate their ethnic options and what it means to be KoreanandCanadian. In this process of growing up, transnational Korean media offers the diasporic Korean youth cultural resources for exploring who they are in between different identity positions.

Abstract This study explores how authoritarian distributive policies may not only generate political support for the autocrat but may also help sustain powerful and lasting authoritarian legacies. We use microlevel data from South Korea's New Village Movement, a 1970s rural development program implemented under dictator Park Chung‐hee and widely touted as contributing to the country's rapid economic development. Our analysis shows that townships in receipt of larger cash transfers cast more votes for Park's incumbent party in the subsequent election. More importantly, we show that the effects of the subsidies still appeared almost four decades later in 2012, when the dictator's daughter was democratically elected as the president of South Korea. We show that these effects were not driven by villagers’ long‐term income gains or enhanced social capital due to the program but by the unwavering support of the beneficiary villagers for the dictator, whose legacy remained strong long after democratization.

In this paper, we suggest that the extent to which local governments acquire greater fiscal autonomy is determined by local officials’ pursuit of re-election, as well as the corresponding fiscal response from the central government. Using Korean local government data, we find a pattern that the degree of fiscal decentralization is lowest during the election year and increases thereafter. Our findings imply that fiscal decentralization is more of a seasonally repeating phenomena than a structural shift towards better responsibility to the local needs.

이 논문에서는 총리의 정책연설과 국회 발언, 외교청서와 방위백서 등 일본 정부의 공식 문건, 정상회담 등을 통해 발표된 합의나 성명 등의 분석을 통해 2000년대 이후 한국과 아세안에 대한 일본의 외교정책의 내용과 특징을 추출해보고, 동시에 이를 통해 두 지역에 대한 일본의 정책이 상반된 양상을 보인 요인이 무엇인지 분석하고자 한다.BR 아세안 지역은 한일 양국 모두와 우호적인 관계에 있지만, 경제적으로 한국과 일본이 경쟁하는 지역이기도 하다. 특히, 일본의 ‘자유롭고 개방된 인도태평양’의 실현은 문재인 정부가 인도와 아세안 지역을 ‘신남방 지역’으로 묶어 한국과 이들 국가와의 관계를 주변 4강 수준으로 확대하겠다는 ‘신남방정책’과도 중첩되어 경쟁적인 측면이 있다. 본 연구에서 도출한 지견(知見)은 한국의 대일 외교와 아세안 외교에도 활용할 수 있을 것이다.

지난 2014년 개정 형법(법률 제12575호, 2014.5.14. 일부개정)은 소위 ‘황제노역’ 논란을 해결 하기 위해, 벌금형 선고금액에 따라 최소 유치기간을 법정하는 제70조 제2항을 신설함으로써 단기간의 노역장유치만으로 고액 벌금형이 탕감되지 못하도록 한 것이었다. 그러나 당시 부칙 제2조는 본 규정을 ‘최초로 공소제기된 범죄부터 적용하도록’ 규정하고 있어 공소제기 이전에 행한 범죄에 대해서도 행위자에게 불리한 신법을 적용케 함으로써 형벌 불소급원칙 위반 여부가 문제되었다. 이에 헌법재판소는 “노역장유치는 형식적으로 형벌은 아니지만 신체의 자유를 박탈하여 징역 과 유사한 형벌적 성격을 갖고 있기 때문에 형벌 불소급원칙에 위반된다” 고 위헌결정을 함으로 써 부칙의 효력을 상실시켰다. 형벌이 아닌 벌금형의 환형처분 내지 납부 강제수단이라는 성격 을 갖고 있는 노역장유치에 대해서도 미납했을 때 겪게 되는 구금이라는 측면을 중시하여 형벌 불소급원칙이 적용되는 실질적 형벌이라고 함으로써, 과거 보안처분에 적용했던 “자유박탈 정도 가 큰 구금처럼 평가된다면 실질적으로는 형벌”이라는 종래의 논지를 노역장유치에도 그대로 견지한 것이다. 결과론적으로는 수긍할 만하나, 노역장유치의 법적 성격에 대한 종래 헌법재판소와 대법원의 입장과는 무관하게 별개의 판단을 하고 있다는 점, 여전히 ‘처벌’ 내지 ‘실질적 형벌’ 이라는 영역 을 ‘신체의 자유를 박탈하거나 이에 준하는 정도’ 에 이르는 구금적 성격이 강한 것에 한하고 있다는 점 등에서 아쉽게 생각한다. 본 논문은 과잉금지의 원칙 등 순수한 헌법학적 논의는 배제하고, 형사법적 관점에서 대상판 결을 평석한 것이다. 우선 노역장유치의 법적 성격에 대한 종래 판례의 입장을 토대로 대상판결 의 의미를 살펴보고, 형벌 불소급원칙의 효력 범위에 대한 학설의 대립과 판례의 입장 변화를 서술한 후 대상판결의 의미와 비판점을 제시하였다. 나아가 당시 개정에서 ‘최초로 공소제기된 범죄’ 부터 적용하게 된 직접적인 이유는 무엇인지 국회 논의과정을 검토한 뒤, 이후에도 여전히 남아있는 유치기간 산정의 형평성 문제에 있어서 이를 해소키 위한 나름의 입법 방향성도 제시 하였다.

국제연합 기업과 인권 이행 원칙상 인권실사는 기업 활동이 인권에 미치는 부정적 영향을 식별·방지·완화하며 어떻게 대처할 것인지를 설명하는 과정이다. 외국에서는 인권실사를 제도화하는 움직임이 활발하다. 인권실사는 자율적 방식 또는 타율적 방식으로 제도화될 수 있는데, 최근의 동향은 국가가 법을 사용하여 기업이 실사를 하도록 강제하는 규제방식, 즉 의무적 인권실사가 제도화 논의의 중심에 있다. 그 배경에는 자발적인 실사 또는 기업에게 보고의무만을 부담시키는 방식의 인권실사제도는 효과적이지 못하고 기업의 관행을 변화시키지 못한다는 비판이 자리잡고 있다. 미국 캘리포니아주, 영국, 프랑스, 독일, 네덜란드, 노르웨이 등 주요 국가의 인권실사법제는 각 국가의 산업구조 및 제반 여건을 반영한 결과이겠으나, 각 법률의 제정시기와 주요 입법사항을 분석해보면 기업에 대해 인권실사를 실시할 법적 의무를 부여하는 방향으로 입법이 진행되고 있는 것으로 보인다. 이러한 국제적 동향을 고려하면서 공공기관·노동·환경 등 국내 관련 법제를 분석하여 볼 때 국내에서도 의무적 인권실사법제를 도입할 필요가 있다. 의무적 인권실사제도의 도입과 관련된 주요 입법사항의 제안은 다음과 같다. 우선, 인권실사의 내용을 법률에 명시하고 인권실사의 실행을 의무화하는 방식이 바람직하다. 다음으로, 인권실사의 기준인 인권의 내용과 관련하여, 인권의 범위를 한정하여 명확성을 기하면서도 확장가능성을 유보하고 있는 독일의 입법 방식이 적절하다. 적용범위의 경우 원칙적으로 모든 기업을 인권실사의 적용대상으로 하되, 사기업 중 중견기업 내지 중소기업의 경우 그 규모를 고려하여 인권실사 의무가 완화되거나 적용이 제외될 수 있도록 하여야 한다. 다만 업종이나 사업의 위험성에 따라서는 규모와 무관하게 실사 의무를 규정하는 것이 필요하다. 공공기관 또는 공기업의 경우에는 공공성을 고려하여 사기업보다 넓은 적용범위를 규정하는 방안이 바람직하다. 또한 인권실사의 범위의 경우 노르웨이 또는 독일 법제와 같이 공급망의 정의를 명확하게 제시할 필요가 있다. 마지막으로 인권실사의 이행 확보 수단 또는 불이행에 대한 법적 효과와 관련하여, 행정기관에 의한 규제와 일정한 경우 민사책임 및 형사책임을 규정해야 한다.

Abstract In the last three decades, many Asian democracies have decentralized their political systems to promote the democratic, equal, and efficient distribution of national resources across regions. Nonetheless, most of these countries, including South Korea, are still in a stage of “partial fiscal decentralization,” in which locally elected officials have spending authority, while a significant portion of their financing relies on transfers from the central government. This article argues that the decentralized distribution is significantly influenced by the partisan interests of central and local governments. The central government transfers more funds to local governments that their co-partisans govern, and local incumbents follow partisan policy priorities to obtain the allocation of available fiscal resources. This argument is strongly supported by the empirical analysis of subsidy transfers and regional social expenditures in South Korea from 2002 to 2015. First, we find that the central government in Korea transfers larger subsidies to politically aligned regions. Second, regional governments with larger subsidy transfers have higher levels of social expenditures. Third, governors or mayors affiliated with a progressive party spend significantly more on social welfare and education than do those affiliated with a conservative party.

이 글은 ‘민주화’ 이후 시기의 한국에서 제도 정치의 비대표성, 즉 대의제가 제대로 작동하지 않는 문제의 배경을 확인해 보고, 그에 기반하여 한국 민주주의의 현단계를 파악하고, 나아갈 길을 전망해 보고자 하였다. 그간 학계에서 진행된 논의들은 이런 현실을 가져온 주된 원인이 이른바 ‘민주화’ 이후 성립된 ‘87년체제’인 것으로 본다. 87년체제의 정치적 민주주의에 대해서는 최소주의적 민주주의의 기준에 따라 우리 사회는 민주주의에 도달했음을 강조하는 최장집 교수의 주장과, 그것의 불충분함을 지적하면서 그 대안으로 계급/계층적 이해관계의 정치세력화에 의한 정당 민주주의의 보완을 주장하는 논의들을 살펴보았다. 그리고, 4절에서는 이른바 한국에서의 하층의 ‘계급 배반 투표’ 현상에 관련된 논의를 통해 계급 정치의 활성화 가능성을 짚어 보았다. 기존의 많은 글들이 한국 민주주의의 문제점을 지적하면서 그 대안으로 사회운동의 재활성화를 이야기하고 있지만, 결코 짧지 않은 기간 동안 이것은 ‘소망적 사고’에 그칠 가능성이 높아 보인다. 신자유주의 정치와 문화는 지금과 같은 사회체계를 재생산하는 매우 강력한 힘을 가지고 있다.

이 글은 1947년 북한 지역에서 시행된 면·리 인민위원회 위원선거를 중심으로 북한 정권 수립기 면·리 인민위원회의 재편 과정과 그 역사적 의의를 규명한 것이다. 해방 직후 북한지역에서는 인민위원회 형태의 지방정권기구가 창출되었다. 그러나 면·리 단위는 토지개혁을 통한 농촌 사회의 근본적인 변화에도 불구하고 지방 정권기구로서 역할을 제대로 수행하지 못하였다. 이에 북한지역 정치주도세력은 선거를 통해 면 인민위원회를 재편하고 리 지역까지 인민위원회 조직을 확대하고자 하였다. 북한 지역 면·리 인민위원회 위원선거는 1947년 2월과 3월에 시행되었다. 선거 후 북한지역에서는 지방인민위원회가 말단 행정 단위까지 완전히 조직·재편되어 통일적인 정권기구가 구축되었다. 선거를 통해 새롭게 선출된 인민위원의 정당별 구성은 각 도별로 차이는 있지만 대체로 북로당의 비율이 높았다. 또한 면·리 인민위원회는 대부분 농민을 중심으로 인민위원이 구성됨에 따라 ‘인민정권’의 성격이 더욱 강화되었다.

국회의원의 정치자금 지출은 재선과 어떤 관계가 있는가? 이 연구는 19대와 20대 국회의원들의 어떤 정치자금 지출 패턴이 재선 성패와 관련 있는지 경험적으로 살펴본다. 이 연구가 다루는 정치자금은 현직 국회의원이 재임 중 상시로 지출하는 돈으로, 선거 기간에 투입되는 선거비용과는 구분된다. 만약 선거에서 승리하기 위해 직접적으로 투입되는 돈이 아닌, 일상적인 정치활동을 위한 자금에서도 재선 가능성을 극대화하는 지출 패턴이 발견된다면 돈이 정치에 미치는 영향력이 더욱 강조돼야 할 것이다. 분석 결과, 재선 성패에 영향을 미칠 만한 다른 변수들을 통제하고 나서도 정치자금 총 지출액과 정당 및 선거활동에 대한 지출액이 클수록 국회의원의 재선 가능성이 높았다. 이 효과는 국회의원이 지역패권 정당 소속인 경우에 더 컸다. 이 연구는 한국정치에서 돈의 역할에 대한 이해를 넓히고 향후 연구 과제를 제시한다는 점에서 의의가 있다.

이 연구는 촛불집회와 태극기집회로 상징되는 대한민국의 사회적 투쟁과 연결된 제19대 대통령 선거의 정치학적 의미를 분석하는 연구이다. 주로 투표라는 선택행위를 결정하는 요인이 무엇인지 분석한 기존연구들과는 달리, 이 연구는 선거에 대한 통념적 기대가 19대 대통령 선거에서 좌절 된 이유를 설명한다. 즉, 폭력 없이 사회갈등을 완화하거나 해소할 수 있는 제도로서 전통적으로 기대를 받는 선거가 당시 한국사회에서 갈등해소를 위해 적절히 기능하지 못한 이유를 밝히고, 그 오작동의 양상을 설명하는 것이다. 특히, 이 연구는 선거 자체에 대한 이론적 관점에서 19대 대통령 선거에서 드러난 문제를 진단하고, 현상을 설명한다. 제도의 문제는 제도의 목적과 운영원리의 관점에서 보다 잘 이해할 수 있기 때문이다. 이러한 문제의식에서 이 연구는 사회적 요구를 국가영역에 투사할 때 관문인 선거가 적대적 투쟁의 형식을 하고 있으므로, 국민들이 자신들의 지위와 가치에 대한 상호인정을 통해 비로소 실현할 수 있는 사회적 요구를 국가영역에서 실현시키는 데 장벽이 될 수 있다고 주장하는 것이다.

Abstract Recent studies focused on the pandemic's effect on elections, examining partial government interventions (e.g., lockdowns) or a specific area within a country. Governments have taken a variety of nationwide measures in reaction to the pandemic, and they may or may not be working in the best interests of citizens. If citizens believe that a government demonstrates competence, benevolence and honesty in making pandemic‐related decisions, trust in that government may grow, affecting election results. Using data for trust in government and nationwide elections during the pandemic in South Korea, we find that trust in government completely mediates the relationship between the number of confirmed cases of COVID‐19 and the results of elections (i.e., ruling party's win and vote share).

본 연구는 폭발적인 주택 가격 상승 시기에 주택소유자들이 전통적으로 보수성을 보이는 자산투표 행태를 보일 것인지, 아니면 주택가격 상승에 대한 보답으로 집권당에 보답을 하는 회고적 투표행태를 보일 것인지를 개인수준에서 분석하는데 목적이 있다. 제20대 대통령 선거 3개월 전에 실시된 대통령 선거 사전설문조사 데이터를 사용하여 분석한 결과 무주택자들은 유주택자보다 진보정당 후보이자 집권당 후보인 이재명 후보에게 투표하겠다는 의향이 높은 것으로 나타났다. 반면 유주택자들은 무주택자보다 보수정당 후보이자 야당 후보인 윤석열 후보에게 투표하겠다는 의향이 높게 나타났다. 한편, 문재인 정부 시기 주택가격 변동으로 인한 가계경제 변화에 대한 평가는 유권자의 투표선택에 유의미한 영향을 미치지 않는 것으로 나타났다. 이러한 결과는 한국에서 주태소유자들은 회고투표보다는 자산투표에 더 가까운 투표행태를 보여준다는 것을 의미한다.

1967년 제7대 국회의원 선거는 극심한 부정선거였다. 이는 군산·옥구 지역구의 선거에서도 확인할 수 있다. 선거운동 과정과 투·개표 과정에서 부정행위가 심했고, 특히 섬지역의 선거에서 많은 문제가 발생했다. 선거운동 과정에서는 대통령과 고위관료들이 군산에 내려와 금강을 가로질러 전북 군산과 충북 서천을 연결하는 군산대교를 건설하겠다며 기공식까지 치르는 등의 기만적인 허위공약을 남발했다.선거 결과 전통적인 야당 강세 지역인 군산·옥구 선거구에서 야당인 신민당의 김판술 후보가 근소한 차이로 낙선했고, 여당인 민주공화당의 차형근 후보가 당선되었다. 선거 결과가 발표된 직후 전국적으로 부정선거에 대한 시위가 이어졌다. 박정희 대통령은 군산·옥구 선거구의 차형근을 포함한 6명의 당선자와 1명의 낙선자를 공화당에서 제명할 수밖에 없었는데, 이는 부정선거를 시인한 것이나 마찬가지였다.혼탁한 선거에서 비롯된 피해는 지역민의 몫이었다. 헛된 공약에 속아서 과거의 영광을 기대하며 원치 않았던 후보에게 투표하고, 혹은 부정선거로 인해 원하지 않는 지역대표를 떠안게 되었던 지역민들은 선거 이후 군산·옥구가 부정선거의 대표 지역으로 거론되면서 논란의 중심에 서는 불명예까지 얻게 되었다.부정선거에 대해 항의하고 투쟁하여 바로잡는 것도 결국 지역민의 몫이었다. 군산·옥구 지역은 이전부터 민주화운동이 적극적으로 일어났던 지역이었다. 군산의 지역민들은 1967년 부정선거 규탄투쟁에 나섰다. 부정선거와 허위공약에 시달리며 실질적인 피해자였던 군산·옥구 지역민들은 직접 시위에 나서 부정에 항의하고 상황을 바로잡으려 했다. 그 과정에서 일어난 ‘신민당사 난입사건’과 신민당 대변인 김대중의 ‘중대 사태’ 발언 등은 군산에서의 시위가 특별했다는 것을 보여준다. 그런 면에서 군산·옥구의 부정선거 규탄 시위는 전국적인 부정선거 반대운동에 하나의 동력을 제공하는 역할을 했다고 볼 수도 있다. 이와 같은 점들을 통해 1967년 군산·옥구 국회의원 선거의 역사적 의의와 중요성을 찾을 수 있고, 그동안 잘 알려지지 않았던 지역사회의 역동적인 면모를 발견할 수 있을 것이라 생각한다.

이 연구의 목적은 제20대 국회에서 발의된 21,594건의 의원안을 대상으로 입법성공 요인을 분석하는 것이다. 이 연구는 입법성공을 가결된 의원안뿐만 아니라, 위원회대안에 반영된 후 폐기된 법안까지로 확장하였다. 제20대 국회에서 위원회대안에 반영된 의원안이 전체 의원안의 24%에 육박하고, 새롭게 제안된 위원회대안은 100% 가결되었다는 사실은 ‘대안반영폐기’를 입법성공의 범주에 포함시킬 수 있는 명분을 제시한다.<br/> 제20대 국회에서는 임기 내내 과반의석을 차지한 원내정당이 없었고, 개원 당시 교섭단체를 구성한 정당이 3개였다가 분당 및 합당을 통해 교섭단체가 4개였던 시기도 있었다. 또한 임기 개시 1년여 뒤의 대선을 통해 집권여당이 교체되었다. 이런 상황은 의원의 당적이 입법성공에 미치는 영향, 특히 여야 정당지위의 상대적 영향력을 검증하기에 좋은 입법환경이다.<br/> 분석 결과 집권여당 지위와 제1야당 지위는 의원안의 입법성공 여부에 유의미한 영향을 미친 것으로 나타났다. 더불어민주당 의원안이 가결될 확률은 여당일 때와 비교하여 야당일 때 2%p 낮았다. 더불어민주당 의원안이 대안반영될 확률 역시 여당일 때보다 야당일 때 8%p 낮은 것으로 나타났다. 한편 제3지대 정당으로 불렸던 국민의당과 새누리당에서 분당된 바른정당 소속 의원안은 집권당에 따라서 가결 가능성에 차이가 있었다. 즉, 박근혜 정부시기에는 새누리당 의원안과 가결 가능성에서 유의미한 차이가 없었지만, 문재인 정부 시기에는 더불어민주당 의원안보다 가결될 가능성이 낮은 것으로 나타났다. 마지막으로 교섭단체를 구성하지 못한 정당 소속 의원안은 두 대통령 집권기 모두 집권여당 의원안보다 입법에 성공할 가능성은 낮은 것으로 나타났다.<br/> 한편 의원안의 공동발의자 수, 법안발의 의원이 소관위원회 위원장인지 여부, 특별법 여부, 법안발의 시기 기준 잔여임기 여부 등은 의원안의 가결 여부와 대안반영 여부에 공통적으로 영향을 미친 것으로 나타났다. 이처럼 의원안의 가결 요인과 대안반영 요인이 대동소이하다는 점은 의원안이 입법성공에 이르는 메커니즘에 별다른 차이가 없음을 의미한다. 그리고 위원회대안을 통한 입법이 점차 지배적이 되어가고 있는 상황은 대안반영폐기되는 의원안의 중요성에 대한 학문적 관심을 기울일 필요성을 제기하고 있다.

부동층의 증가는 정치적 동원과 설득이라는 정당의 역할이 약화되는 상징적 현상인 까닭에 부동층 연구는 정당정치와 대의민주주의의 현실과 미래를 이해하기 위한 것이다. 선행 연구는 부동층을 대개 정치적으로 매우 소극적이고 단조로운 존재로 보았다. 하지만 본 연구는 인지적 동원 개념을 활용하여 부동층을 인지부동층과 비인지부동층으로 구분하여 이 중 인지부동층의 행태는 기존의 이미지와는 매우 다른 양상을 보인다는 사실을 검증했다. 그들은 정치적 선택에 있어 근거 있는 판단을 내리는 적극적인 유권자들이다. 21대 국회의원 총선자료를 분석하면, 인지부동층은 기결정층과 비교해 정당일체감이 약하고, 더 젊고, 이념적 중도에 가깝지만, 정치정보의 습득 정도, 사회정치적 활동 차원에서는 비인지부동층보다 적극적이며 기결정층과 거의 차이가 없다. 또한 투표선택 차원에서 인지부동층은 비인지부동층과 달리 경제투표자의 면모를 나타냈다. 이들은 합의쟁점과 위치쟁점으로 나눠 경제 정책평가를 그들의 비례제 정당투표에 반영하였다. 특히 부동층의 특징을 반영하듯이 경제정책쟁점 중에서도 선거 막바지 기간에 부상한 쟁점들이 영향력을 발휘했다. 인지부동층의 쟁점투표는 향후 탈정당화 양상과 함께 정당의 역할에 대한 진지한 질문을 남길 것이다.

이 연구는 한국 유권자가 특정 정당을 지지한다는 사실이 어떠한 의미인지 경험적으로 파악하기 위한 시도이다. 구체적으로 정당일체감이 개인의 사회 정체성으로서의 성격을 갖는지(표현적 당파심), 아니면 이념 혹은 정책 기준에서 유권자 개인과 정당 간의 거리감의 부산물인지(도구적 당파심)를 확인하고자 하였다. 표현적 당파심을 측정하기 위해 최근 새롭게 개발된 설문도구와 설문 응답자 개인과 각 정당 간의 이념 거리 및 정책 입장 거리를 파악하는 문항들을 활용하여 분석한 결과, 한국 유권자의 정당일체감에는 표현적 당파심의 성격이 상대적으로 강함을 확인할 수 있었다. 표현적 당파심이 강해질수록 정당일체감의 강도 또한 강해지는 경향이 보인 반면, 도구적 당파심이 강해져도 정당일체감은 반드시 강화되지는 않았다. 그리고 표현적 당파심과 도구적 당파심이 정당일체감에 미치는 영향이 정치지식 수준에 따라 변한다는 명확한 증거도 확인하지 못했다. 이 연구 결과는 표현적 당파심으로서의 정당일체감이 당파적 편향을 강화시킨다는 논리와 맞물려 한국 정치의 양극화를 보다 뉘앙스 있게 설명할 여지를 준다.

Current scholarship on marketization from below in North Korea emphasizes the increased influence of private actors, and portrays this process as eroding state control. While these accounts are largely accurate, they risk overlooking significant policy responses on the part of North Korea’s leadership. Over the course of the past decade, the regime under Kim Jong Un has actively pursued a political-economic model that attempts to institutionalize market activity under strengthened party-state political control. In doing so, the DPRK is hewing toward a model of “market Leninism” or “party-state capitalism” akin to that pursued by contemporary China and Vietnam, rather than that of the Soviet Union or Eastern Europe. By placing North Korea’s political economy in this framework, we can better understand the two key imperatives that have characterized Kim Jong Un’s rule: institutionalization of market mechanisms and strengthened political control.

This paper reports empirical evidence on the impact of the prevalence of COVID-19 on voter turnout, using the data from the legislative elections in Korea. To control for the time-invariant constituency-specific factors, I regress the first-difference in turnout, i.e. the change from the previous election, on the cumulative number of COVID-19 cases per resident. The results show a substantially negative impact. The share of old-age voters, who are known to face worse health risks of COVID-19 infection, amplifies this impact. These findings raise the question whether it is more democratic to hold elections as scheduled, as opposed to postponing them, during a pandemic.

연구 목적: 본고의 목적은 1963년 대선 전후의 정치 지형과 이에 따른 미국의 입장과 태도 변화를 분석하는 것에 있다. 63대선에 대한 연구는 주로 국내 정치문제로 다루어져 왔다. 하지만 이 주제는 국내적 문제로 한정해 파악할 수만은 없다. 당대 국내 정치에 미친 미국의 영향력을 고려한다면 그들의 입장과 태도에 대한 분석은 이후 출범한 박정희 정부의 집권 초기 상황과 방향성을 이해하는데 중요한 단서를 제공해 줄 수 있기 때문이다. 연구 방법: 본고는 당대 생산된 미 국무부 외교문서 및 미 재외공관 문서 등 미국측 사료에 주목했다. 이를 통해 63대선 전후 미국의 시각과 입장이 시간의 경과에 따라 어떻게 변화해갔는지 살펴보았다. 연구 내용: 미국은 한국 대선에 철저한 불개입 노선을 견지했지만 박정희 개인에 대해서는 신뢰하지 않는 태도를 보이며 각 후보 당선에 따른 행동 지침을 구분하고 윤보선 승리에 무게를 두었다. 하지만 선거 과정에서 야권 분열과 윤보선 승리 후 예상되는 정치적 불안 요소들에 대한 우려를 갖게 되었고 박정희 승리 역시 고려하며 상황 대응적 입장으로 전환해 나갔다. 결론 및 제언: 여당의 신승을 미국은 ‘나쁘지 않은 결과’로 평가했다. 야당의 명분 확보, 정치적 불확실성 제거, 사상논쟁 불식을 위한 박정희의 명확한 친미ㆍ반공노선 제시 때문이었다. 이는 군사정변 세력 집권에 대한 미국의 암묵적 동의 및 안정적 정부 출범에 큰 동력이 되었다.

본 연구는 선거에서 두드러지는 이슈 중에는 입장을 나누기 어려우면서 정책의 수단보다는 목적자체에 초점을 맞추는 경우가 많다고 지적하고, 합의이슈를 고려한 투표모형을 제시한다. 특히, 정당일체감에 따라 합의이슈 투표가 어떻게 달라지는지 분석했다.BR 분석 결과, 제19대 대선에서 경제성장, 복지 확대, 일자리 창출, 부패 척결 등 주요 이슈에 대한 합의이슈 평가가 후보 선택에 유의미한 영향을 미치는 것으로 나타났다. 그리고 유권자의 정당일체감에 따라 이슈가 투표에 미치는 영향이 다르게 나타났다. 무당파 유권자들은 후보의 이슈선점이 차별적이고 이를 인식할 때 본인이 중요하게 생각하는 이슈에 따라 투표했다. 정당 지지자는 지지하는 정당 후보가 선점한 이슈만 투표에 영향을 미쳤다.BR 본 연구는 공간모형이 실제로 합의이슈의 영향력을 간과하고 있으며, 합의이슈 모형이 새로운 이슈투표 모형으로써 유용하다는 것을 확인했다는 점, 그리고 정당일체감에 따라 합의이슈 투표행태가 달라진다는 것을 밝혔다는 점에서 의의가 있다.

In this paper, we examine the extent to which a government's response to a pandemic affects election outcomes. Using detailed data on South Korea's 21st legislative election, held in April 2020 during the COVID-19 pandemic, we find that a candidate of the ruling Democratic Party was less preferred in electoral districts where the COVID-19 infection rate was higher. We also find that the South Korean government's successful control of the disease contributed significantly to the overwhelming victory of the ruling party against the leading opposition party. Specifically, our counterfactual analysis predicts that each party would have taken 129 and 102 of the 231 constituency seats considered in the analysis, respectively, had the COVID infection rate been the same as the OECD average during the election period. Given that the observed result was 147 to 84, this implies that 18 electees of the ruling party would have lost to the candidates of the leading opposition party, which in turn would have granted the opposition party the ability to block any attempt by the ruling party to fast-track debatable bills.

Previous studies on legislative voting behavior in the Korean National Assembly (KNA) were based on two theories: "The Best of Both Worlds" vs. "Contamination." However, both these theories have paid limited attention to the electorally vulnerable condition of legislators owing to voting behavior in South Korea. In this study, we propose a conditional mandate-divide theory to elucidate party defection voting behavior in KNA. According to our findings, Proportional Representatives (PR) are more likely to defect from party-line voting than Single Member District (SMD) members, although SMDs elected through a party primary are more likely to defect from party-line voting than other SMDs. Additionally, SMDs elected with the primary experience deviate from their party line more in Yeongnam province compared to other regions. Our findings suggest that legislators' voting behavior in the mixed-member system may vary depending on their prospects of re-election, essentially shaped by their incentive structure.

Abstract In Korean society, regionalism has deep historical roots and has had a great influence on elections. A historic event occurred in 2014 when a conservative party candidate, Lee Jung-hyun, was elected as a member of the National Assembly in Suncheon-si, Jeollanam-do, where liberal parties have been in the midst of powerful political influence. This was possible because voters responded to the candidate's appeal to vote based on benefits to the local economy, that is, securing greater funding from the central government. Exploiting the synthetic control method, this article identifies how this different choice has affected the budget of the local district. The results show that the community budget has increased dramatically, and a battery of robustness checks also supports these basic results. On the basis of the empirical evidence, the study suggests the possibility of overcoming a long-standing parochial regionalism in Korean politics through economic voting and its practical benefits.

이 논문은 한국 정당의 당원 규모를 추산하고, 지역별 면접조사를 통해 당원 충원 방식과 규모, 신규 당원의 인구학적 특징, 당원 조직의 효용 등을 규명하고자 하였다. 조사 결과 공개된 당원 수와 유효당원, 진성당원 규모 사이에는 중앙당이든 지역당 차원이든 큰 차이를 보였다. 지역별 당원 규모와 신규 당원 충원 규모는 정당에 대한 지지도와 밀접하게 연관되어 있었다. 따라서 열세지역의 당원 증대를 위해서는 우선 당 지지도를 개선하는 노력이 중요하다고 할 수 있다. 신규 당원 충원은 대부분 지역에서 선거 입후보자를 매개로 진행되고 있으며, 이는 정당 공천을 위한 당내 경선 대비 목적으로 동원되는 것이다. 따라서 당의 지지도가 높아 출마 희망자가 많은 지역일수록 당원 충원도 역시 유리하였다. 당원은 선거 운동과 정당 운영 참여와 같이 고전적으로 요구되는 활동에 대한 기여가 크지 않았다. 이런 분석 결과는 한국 정당에 대한 사실적 이해를 증진하는 데 도움이 될 것으로 기대된다.

이 논문은 21대 총선 이후의 시점에서 오늘날 한국인의 민주주의 만족도에 영향을 미치는 요인을 분석하고, 그것이 한국 민주주의 공고화에 미치는 함의를 도출하고자 한다. 한국의 민주주의를 정치문화적으로 고찰하기 위해 첫째 인지적 차원의 변수, 둘째, 가치정향에 대한 변수, 셋째, 제도정향에 대한 변수, 마지막으로 정당지지의 안정성 변수를 중심으로 양변인 분석과 다변인 분석을 활용하여 민주주의 만족도와의 관계를 확인한다.<BR> 분석을 통하여 우리가 알 수 있는 것은 한국인의 민주주의 만족도는 원리와 원칙으로서의 민주주의보다는 실제로서의 민주주의로 인식하는 경향이 강하다는 것이다. 더불어, 지지정당의 선거 승리에 기초한 승패논리가 강하게 작용하고 있다는 것을 확인할 수 있다. 선행연구에서 제시된 가설과 이 논문에서 추가로 제시한 가설을 분석한 결과 정당지지의 안정성 변수가 강하게 작용하고 있음을 확인하였다.<BR> 논문에서의 분석결과와 같이 민주주의에 대한 만족도가 승자의 자만과 패자의 저항으로 반영된다면 민주주의 공고화의 이상과는 거리가 멀어져 갈 수 밖에 없을 것이다. 이러한 맥락에서 이 논문의 분석은 기존의 진영 간 대립이 우리 사회의 공론장을 해체하고 극단적 양극화로 내몰 수도 있으며, 이러한 경우 승자와 패자 간 타협과 협력을 통한 공동체 유지라는 민주주의 본질과 멀어질 수 있다는 점을 말해준다.

Political parties are often in the spotlight because of the corrupt behavior of their members with the aim of party interests. The forms of criminal acts of corruption by cadres or political party administrators have various modes, including bribery, buying and selling positions, extorting strategic sectors, harming state finances, abuse of authority and misuse of budgets in development programs. Although there are many cases where political parties are suspected of being in the vortex of enjoying the proceeds of criminal acts of corruption, until now criminal responsibility is still borne by individuals, whether cadres or administrators of political parties. This study aims to provide an overview of the criminal liability arrangements of political parties in corruption in Indonesia and to conduct a comparative study of the accountability of political parties in Indonesia and South Korea. The research method used is non-doctrinal by taking secondary data sources with legal, conceptual and grammatical approaches. The results show that Indonesia still includes political parties as corporations, however, political parties in Indonesia are legal entities that cannot be held criminally responsible. South Korea is an example of a country that regulates criminal acts of political parties through their respective laws. In general, South Korea imposes criminal responsibility on persons or administrators of party members, not on the party itself.

The median-voter hypothesis predicts convergence of party platforms across a one-dimensional political spectrum during majoritarian elections. Assuming that the convergence is reflected in legislative activity, we study the time evolution of political polarization in the National Assembly of the Republic of Korea for the past 70 years. By projecting the correlation of lawmakers onto the first principal axis, we observe a high degree of polarization from the early 1960's to the late 1980's before democratization. As predicted by the hypothesis, it showed a sharp decrease when party politics were revived in 1987. Since then, the political landscape has become more and more multi-dimensional under the action of party politics, which invalidates the assumption behind the hypothesis. For comparison, we also analyze co-sponsorship in the United States House of Representatives from 1979 to 2020, whose correlation matrix has been constantly high-dimensional throughout the observation period. Our analysis suggests a pattern of polarization evolving with democratic development, from which we can argue the power and the limitation of the median-voter hypothesis as an explanation of real politics.

The median-voter hypothesis predicts convergence of party platforms across a one-dimensional political spectrum during majoritarian elections. Assuming that the convergence is reflected in legislative activity, we study the time evolution of political polarization in the National Assembly of Republic of Korea for the past 70 years. By projecting the correlation of lawmakers onto the first principal axis, we observe a high degree of polarization from the early 1960's to the late 1980's before democratization. As predicted by the hypothesis, it showed a sharp decrease when party politics revived in 1987. Since then, the political landscape has become more and more multi-dimensional under the action of party politics, which invalidates the assumption behind the hypothesis. Our finding thus suggests the power and limitation of the median-voter hypothesis as an explanation of real politics.

How do domestic politics affect the management of alliances? Contra Snyder (1984), I argue that states’ alliance management strategies do not arise solely in response to the external threat environment but rather differing perceptions of it by party leaders. I illustrate my argument through a plausibility probe of the U.S.-South Korean military alliance, demonstrating how South Korean leaders’ partisan interpretations of the threat environment affected intra-alliance bargaining in the coordination of military affairs. Consistent with the framework developed here, I find that partisan differences do a better job explaining alliance dynamics over the past quarter century than systemic factors alone.

The literature on South Korean elections has shown that voters’ region, ideology, and generation shape their preferences at the polls. Few studies, however, have investigated the long-term effects of these variables or the difference in the effects of ideology and generation between regions. In this article, we generate theoretical expectations of Korean voters’ voting behavior, analyzing cleavage structures in the party system since democratization, and we then examine the interactive effects of region with ideology and generation across voters from Gyeongsang and Jeolla, in six presidential elections from 1992 to 2017. We find that ideology and generation have stronger effects among Gyeongsang voters than among Jeolla voters. To be specific, ideology and generation often divide Gyeongsang voters, especially when the Democratic Party nominates a presidential candidate from Gyeongsang; Jeolla voters are more homogeneous in their support for the party, regardless of their ideology and generation.

이사회 및 경영자로 하여금 ESG관련 경영의사결정이 담보될 수 있도록 하는 법률을 “실질적인 ESG경영법제”라고 할 때 21대 국회에 상정된 법률안 중 이러한 효과를 기대할 수 있는 것은 많지 않다. 반면 외국에서 ESG경영을 법제차원에서 지원하기 위하여 정비하는 부분은 크게 두 가지로 하나는 ESG관련한 공시제도의 정비이고, 다른 하나는 이사의 의무이다. 우선 EU, 영국, 미국 일본 등을 살펴보면 기업의 ESG정보의 품질ㆍ양의 증대 그리고 기업경영의 투명성ㆍ책임성 확보목적으로 기업공시제도에 접근하는 경향이 강하다. ESG정보를 의무공시사항으로 한 EU와 영국의 경우 공시부담을 고려하여 ‘원칙 적용, 예외 설명(comply or explain)’방식과 안전조항(safe harbor)의 인정 및 거래소규정 내지 국제기구가 제정한 보고기준 등의 연성규범(soft law)을 원용하는 등 유연하게 설계하고 있다. 반면 미국에서는 의무공시보다 국제기준의 보고기준 원용과 주주제안 등의 주주행동을 통한 ESG정보 개시 요구 등을 SEC가 지원하는 형태로 추진되고 있다. 그런데 ESG 정보 공시제도가 실효성 있기 위해서는 그 전제로 이사의 의무 또한 ESG경영을 추진하는데 장애가 되지 않아야 한다. EU나 영국은 이사의 의무와 관련하여 ESG 경영추구가 장애가 되지 않도록 명문의 근거규정을 두고 있는데 반해 미국과 일본은 법령준수의무와 업무집행을 감시·감독하는 이사의 주의의무의 일환으로 접근하고 있다. 국내에서도 금융위원회는 ESG정보 공시활성화를 위해 거래소 자율공시를 활성화하되 단계적으로 의무화한다는 계획을 밝히고 있다. 그러나 ESG공시제도를 설계함에 있어 자본시장법상의 공시제도와 정합성을 갖추는 것이 중요하다. 이러한 점에서 투자자의 관점에서 ‘중요성’ 기준을 판단하여 ESG정보 공시에 접근하는 SASB의 공개기준을 참고할 수 있다. 반면에 한국거래소가 제시한 정보공개 가이던스는 이해관계 자측면에서 중요성을 판단하도록 하고 있어 법령과 상충하는 측면이 있다. 다만 거래소는 투자자를 포함한 광의의 이해관계자에게 수요가 있는 ESG정보를 취사선택할 수 있도록 하고 있어 탄력적이고 유연한 정책을 취하고 있다고 평가할 수 있다. 한편, 우리법상 회사 경영진이 ESG요소를 고려하여 의사결정을 할 의무를 부담하고 있지는 않다. 그러나 ESG이슈가 재무상 중요한 영향을 미칠 경우 이를 고려하지 않는 것은 이사의 의무 위반이 될 수 있으며 투자자들이 투자대상기업과의 대화를 비롯하여 주주제안 및 주주대표소송 등 적극적인 주주행동을 보이는 경향 그리고 기후변화이슈를 금융산업, 투자자 및 회사의 광범한 이해관계자들이 체계적 위험으로 인식하는 경향이 있는 상황에서 이사가 이런 위험에 대한 인식을 결하고 있다면 선관주의 의무 위반이라고 볼 여지가 있다. 향후 ESG와 관련하여 이사의 의무에 관해 법에서 보다 명확히 하는 것이 바람직하다.

While the current developments in the peace processes allow us to imagine the Korean Demilitarized Zone will acquire more thriving mobilities in the future, this article seeks to characterize this unique space as an absolutely different place; a “heterotopia” as suggested by Michel Foucault. In the course of the discussion, which focuses on (non)human (im)mobilities within the framework of the “new mobilities paradigm,” some main characteristics of the DMZ as a heterotopia are identified. Firstly, as its descriptively most prominent characteristic, the DMZ is considered a borderland between two fiercely antagonistic power politics, a borderland that comes to be realized as fluid and irremovable. Secondly, considering criticisms of this notion of heterotopia to be negligent of real power-knowledge relations, the article suggests that the DMZ as an inaccessible and immobile space controls the mobilities of all other spaces. Lastly, the article proposes that the DMZ be developed into a heterotopic space that mirrors and critically reflects the other prevailing spaces. These characteristics of the heterotopic DMZ, i.e., a fluid and irremovable borderland, an inaccessible and immobile space in power-knowledge relations, and a critically reflecting space, are put under scrutiny with the metaphors of the river, the airport, and the mirror, respectively

The heuristic starting point for this paper is a critical approach to the enterprise of modern historiography per se, based on the understanding of it as inherently bound by teleological epistemology. While “Korean nationalism” is the usual vantage point for the critique of modern Korean historiography, the current article attempts to reverse this analytical perspective and re-assess a number of attempts to write on Korean history by US-based historians of Korea in the 1910s–1980s as reflections of inherently self-centric picture of the world. In this Eurocentric picture, traditional Korea was locked into a historical trajectory via which “modernity” was unachievable.

한국은 2020년 초부터 확산된 코로나19의 영향으로 인해 급격히 ‘비대면 사회’로 변모하였다. 시민들은 사적인 교류나 공적인 회합을 자제하며 생활해야 했으며 확진자 동선 공개와 집회와 시위의 자유를 포함한 기본권의 제약을 감내하며 정부의 방역 활동에 적극적으로 협력하였다. 한국은 마이너스 성장을 경험하였으며 정부의 다양한 지원정책에도 불구하고 여행과 관광 사업은 물론 대부분의 서비스업에 종사하는 자영업자들이 치명적인 어려움을 겪어야 했다. 집권여당인 더불어민주당이 제21대 총선에서 압승함에 따라 국회 운영을 주도하며 친여 성향 정당들의 지원을 받아 ‘공정경제 3법,’ ‘5.18 왜곡 처벌법,’ ‘공수처법’ 등을 국회에서 통과시켰다. 검찰개혁을 둘러싼 추미애법무부 장관과 윤석열 검찰총장 간의 갈등 속에서 국민 여론 또한 분열되었다. 북미 관계가 교착상태에 빠지게 되면서 남북한 관계 또한 악화되었으며, 주한미군 주둔비용 인상 요구를 둘러싼 미국과의 갈등이 발생하였고, 강제징용보상판결 이후 나빠진 한일관계는 별다른 진전을 이루지 못하였다.

Why did Japanese Prime Minister Abe impose controversial export restrictions after rulings by the South Korean Supreme Court on wartime forced laborers? This article answers this question through the lens of domestic symbolism in economic sanctions studies. We argue that domestic political calculations led the Japanese government to adopt hawkish measures against South Korea. Abe wanted to ensure continued support from his constituents and to win the upcoming election. A series of political reforms since the early 1990s have empowered the prime minister and made LDP politicians pay more attention to public opinion than to factional topography. Strong anti-Korean sentiment among the Japanese public reduced the leadership’s concerns about the audience costs of economic countermeasures. Through an examination of the interplay among various domestic actors over the policy measure, this study provides insights on how domestic symbolism can serve as an origin of foreign policy decision-making in democracies.

Pandemi Coronavirus (Covid-19) mengubah tatanan negara terkait kebiasaan dan perilaku negara, termasuk sektor Politik dan Pemilihan umum. Ketentuan Penundaan Pemilihan Kepala Daerah (Pilkada) Serentak 2020 karena bencana non-alam pandemi Covid-19 diatur dalam Peraturan Pemerintah Pengganti Undang-Undang (Perppu) Nomor 2 Tahun 2020 mengenai Pemilihan Gubernur, Bupati, dan Walikota. Pemilu di tengah pandemi juga dilaksanakan di berbagai negara, salah satu negara yang dikategorikan berhasil baik dalam penyelesaian isu pandemi maupun dalam kegiatan Pemilu adalah Korea Selatan. Penelitian ini bertujuan menganalisis faktor-faktor terkait hambatan dan keberhasilan Pemilu di Korea Selatan, sistem pemilihan yang dapat diadopsi untuk pemilihan di tengah pandemi di Indonesia, serta rekomendasi desain kebijakan dalam pemilihan serentak jika permasalahan sejenis terulang kembali di masa depan. Penulis menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif dengan metode deskriptif analitis. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan Korea Selatan memiliki manajemen strategis yang baik dalam menghadapi Pemilu di tengah Pandemi, mulai dari kematangan proses pemilihan yang meliputi adaptasi kampanye dengan medium baru non-konvensional, komunikasi yang baik dengan publik, transparansi proses pemungutan dan penghitungan suara, sarana dan prasarana kesehatan yang memadai, serta kepercayaan publik terhadap pemerintah yang tinggi. Indonesia dapat merefleksi pada keberhasilan pemilihan Korea Selatan dengan tetap menyesuaikan kemampuan dan tradisi politik yang berlaku.

지난 4월 개정 공직선거법에 따라 도입된 이른바 ‘준연동형 비례대표제’에 따른 첫 총선이 실시되었다. 위성정당등의 출현으로 당초 기대된 비례성 제고의 효과조차 제대로 달성되지 아니하였다는 비판이 거세고, 이에 뒤따라 우리 국회의원 선거 제도의 성격을 독일의 그것과 같이 근본적으로 비례선거로 바꾸지 아니하는 한, 낮은 비례성이라는 고질적인 문제를 해결하기 어려우리라는 전망도 이어진다.<BR> 그러나 개정 공직선거법의 모델이 된 독일의 ‘연동형 비례대표제’와 우리의 선거법제를 비교하여 보면 과연 ‘준연동형 비례대표제’를 도입하는 것부터가 올바른 결정이었는지 의문이 생긴다. 연동형 비례대표제에서 의석 배분의 근간을 이루는 것은 정당이다. 정당은 항상 선거에서 국민의 의사를 대표할 수 있는 단위로서 자격이 있는가? 정치 공동체의 의사결정 과정은 공동체 내부의 ‘균열’을 표현하여 공동체의 의사를 대표하여야 한다. 그런데 한국의 정치현실과 제도를 고려하여 볼 때 정당이 한국 공동체 내부의 ‘균열’을 제대로 대표할 여건이 갖추어졌다고 보기 어렵다. 이러한 점에서 초과의석을 해결하기 위하여 보정의석을 부여한다거나, 권역별 비례대표제를 시행한다거나, 중복입후보를 허용하여 석패율제를 도입한다는 방안은 모두 정당을 대표성 확보의 중심 주체로 두고 있는 이상 그중 어느 것도 현행 국회의원 선거 제도의 바람직한 개선안이 되기 어렵다.

Abstract In this article, I present a theory of conditional core-swing targeting that focuses on the competition for majority control in legislative elections to explain how presidents use their strong budgetary powers to manipulate the distribution of the national subsidy in South Korea. Presidents whose parties already possess a legislative majority are expected to favor core municipalities to strengthen the foundations of their majority constituency, whereas those who seek majority control are predicted to prioritize swing municipalities in an effort to cross the majority threshold. Presidents are also anticipated to respond to the electoral cycle by shifting subsidies to riskier municipalities when elections approach. Using a novel data set on national subsidy allocations that spans three decades, I find evidence in favor of the hypotheses. This article demonstrates that the beneficiaries of distributive favoritism are not fixed, and that politicians can engage in complex and varied targeting strategies to achieve their objectives.

This bachelor thesis is an attempt to process the issue of so-called multicultural, i.e. ethnically mixed families in the Republic of Korea and related legislation. The first part describes the historically relatively recent phenomenon of a massive increase in marriages of Koreans with foreigners. The second part is focused on pointing out the causes of the phenomenon (economic, demographic and other) and accompanying problems (agencies business, fake marriages, cultural and linguistic assimilation, etc.). The last part presents an analysis of the response to these problems in the field of legislation and legislative changes, whether in the field of laws related to immigration policy, supporting the integration of foreigners and disadvantaged ethnic and linguistic minorities, anti-discrimination laws and combating domestic violence, etc. The aim of this analysis is to show the effectiveness of the laws and changes that have been introduced to regulate this phenomenon at present.

Purpose: During 2015-2019, the average amount of political donation to the national assembly members in Korea was 1,000 won per person. Despite its benefits such as receiving tax credits, the donation system has not been actively practiced. This paper aims to promote political donations by suggesting a recommendation system of national assembly members by analysing the bills they proposed.&lt;br/&gt;Methods: In this paper, we propose a recommendation system based on two aspects: how similar the newly proposed or ammended bills are to the sponsors’ interest (similarity index) and how much effort national assembly members put into those bills (intensity index). More than 25,000 bills were used to measure the recommendation quality index consisted with both the similarity and the intensity indices. Word2vec was used to calculate the similarity index of the bills proposed by the national assembly member to the sponsor’s interest. The intensity index is calculated by diving the number of newly proposed or entirely revised bills with the number of senators who took part in those bills. Subsequently, we multiply the similarity index by the intensity index to obtain the recommendation quality index that can assist sponsors to identify potential assembly members for their donation.&lt;br/&gt;Results: We apply the proposed recommendation system to personas for illustration. The recommendation system showed an average f1 score about 0.69. The analysis results provide insights in recommendation for donation.&lt;br/&gt;Conclusion: n this study, the recommendation system was proposed to promote a political donation for national assembly members by creating the recommendation quality index based on the similarity and the intensity indices. We expect that the system presented in this paper will lower user barriers to political information, thereby boosting political sponsorship and increasing political participation.

본 논문의 목적은 제21대 국회의원선거에 출마한 지역구 후보자들의 정책공약을 분석하는 것이다. 분석의 대상은 253개 지역구에 출마한 후보자들의 총 6,899개의 공약이다. 내용분석을 실시하여 공약의 유형을 분류하고 통계분석을 활용하여 공약의 경향성을 발견한다. 카이제곱 검정결과 시대적 긴급성과 공약유형의 관계를 확인하였다. 또 지역 고유성, 지역구 크기, 후보자의 성별, 정당정체성이 공약유형과 연관성이 있음을 발견하였다. 이 연구결과는 후속연구에서 활용될 수 있는 기초적인 연구자료를 제공하는 것은 물론 정책선거 활성화에 공약이 어떻게 기여할 수 있는지에 대한 조건을 제시한다는 점에서 의미가 있다.

abstractA growing literature has begun to more closely examine African legislatures. However, most of this research has been attentive to emerging democratic settings, and particularly the experiences of a select number of English-speaking countries. By contrast, Cameroon is a Francophone majority country that reintroduced multiparty politics in the early 1990s but continues to exhibit significant authoritarian tendencies. This article provides a longitudinal analysis of Cameroon's National Assembly and builds on a unique biographical dataset of over 900 members of parliament between 1973 and 2019. The article describes changes in the structure and orientation of the legislature as well as the social profile of its members, in particular following the transition to multipartyism. While the legislature in Cameroon remains primarily a tool of political control, it is more dynamic, and the mechanisms used to manage elites within the context of complex multiethnic politics have evolved.

Abstract South Korea is best-known for its economic development, democratic transition and consolidation, vibrant civil society, and emergence as a cultural powerhouse. The Oxford Handbook of South Korean Politics presents and analyses contemporary South Korean politics, bringing together domestic political, economic, social cultural, and demographic developments and putting them in the context of trends in fellow developed countries. The Handbook is divided into seven sections: introduction; core concepts; institutions, parties, elections and voters; civil society; culture and media; public policy and policy-making; and the international arena. The overarching premise of the Handbook is that we have to move away from traditional understandings of South Korean politics that considered them to be static, focusing instead on how and why contemporary South Korea is a vibrant and dynamic democracy in which multiple groups and ideas are represented.

이 논문의 목적은 비교강령연구의 표준 좌-우 척도와 귀납적 접근을 대표하는 프란츠만/카이저 척도가 한국 정당의 이념 위치를 측정하는 데 얼마나 타당한지를 비교하고, 한국정당경쟁에 적실성이 높은 척도 구성을 제시하고자 한다. 분석의 결과, 논문은 차원분석을 통한 구성타당성이나 척도상의 정당 위치에 대한 액면타당성의 면에서 연역적 방법의 표준척도보다 귀납적 접근의 프란츠만/카이저 척도가 더 낫다는 것을 발견한다. 설문 측정과의 상관성에서도, 프란츠만/카이저 척도가 표준 척도보다 높았다. 분석 결과는 한국 정당정치에 적용한 표준 척도 또한 그 타당성의 정도가 결코 낮지 않기 때문에 국가 간 비교연구에 유용함을 확인하고, 개별 국가 차원에서 설문 측정에 기반한 유권자 선호와의 조응성 연구를 위해서는 귀납적 방법론에 기초한 프란츠만/카이저 척도의 사용을 제안한다.

This study focuses on women legislative representation in Nigeria since the commencement of the Fourth Republic (1999 to 2020). It investigates the low levels of representation of women in the National Assembly and factors that explain this. Results from the study show that the majority of female respondents indicate active interest in politics but are discouraged by factors that include prevailing gender stereotypes, cultural/religious reasons, unfavourable political environment, lack of financial capacity, electoral violence and restrictive party structures and processes amongst others. The bulk of male respondents confirm these structural biases and barriers to women’s political participation. In view of these findings, some recommendations offered include implementation of deliberate policies and legislations that target women quotas and affirmative action, elimination of structural barriers to women's participation, reducing the cost of political participation for women, reforming the electoral process, and sustained and systematic gender education.

This study is based on the recognition that the Rhee Syngman administration’s national assembly election system is the foundation of the korean national assembly election system. This study examined the Rhee Syngman administration’s national assembly election system as the process of creation, continuation, adjustment, and change through historical institutionalism. First, the creation process lacked awareness of political parties due to the absence of political forces that could directly affect the national assembly election act, resulting in more independent elections than political parties. Second, the continuation process had minor changes in the national assembly election act, but it did not have any effect on the election results. Third, the adjustment process established an absolute advantage of the liberal party with the founding of a political party and the introduction of party recommendation system by President Rhee Syngman rather than a change in the national assembly election act. Fourth, the change process not only the number of independent candidates decreased sharply due to the shorter registration period of candidates and the introduction of the deposit system, but the elected were mostly affiliated with political parties, and a two-party system was established to check the ruling party. The Rhee Syngman administration’s national assembly election system has a positive effect that it laid the foundation for the korean national assembly election system, it also had a negative effect of distorting the national assembly election system for stabilizing and extending the political power.

The 2018 regional election in South Korea brought a tremendous political victory for the liberal Democratic Party of Korea (DPK) and a dramatic loss for the conservative Liberty Party Korea (LPK). The DPK won 14 out of 17 gubernatorial and metropolitan races, 151 out of 226 (69%) elections for executive office at the municipal level, 652 out of 824 (79%) provincial council seats, and 1,638 out of 2,926 (56%) municipal council seats. DPK’s triumph can be ascribed to the aftermath of the impeachment of the last president Park Geun-Hye and high approval rates for the current DPK president Moon Jae-In. Despite DPK’s extraordinary victory, LPK managed to keep some of its electoral strongholds. In addition, the proportion of elected female and young candidates remained very low even though the number of female and young candidates has risen over the past two decades.

본 연구는 한국 주택정책이 어떠한 요인들에 의해 영향을 받으며, 이들 요인 중 어떠한 요인이 가장 큰 영향을 미치는가를 살펴보고자 사회경제적, 정치적, 점증 요인들로 구성된 통합회귀 모형을 설정하였다. 또한 주택정책은 주택예산을 대리변수로 하여 분석하되, 절대적인 예산액을 나타내는 인구 1인당 주택예산을 종속변수로 하는 모형 1과 전체 예산 중에서 상대적인 비중을 보는 주택예산 비율을 종속변수로 하는 모형2로 구분하였다.BR 분석결과, 최근 15년간 예산으로 표현되는 주택정책에 영향을 미치는 주요 요인은 사회경제적 요인의 물가상승률, 도시화율, 실업률과 대통령 선거로 나타났다. 반면 점증적 요인은 영향을 미치지 않는 것으로 나타나는데, 이는 주택정책이 일반예산보다는 사업위주의 주택도시기금으로 운용되는 비중이 높기 때문인 것으로 파악된다. 특히 도시화율은 주택예산의 절대적인 규모에 가장 큰 영향을 미치는 변수로 나타나지만, 도시화로의 진행이 상대적인 주택예산의 비중 확대에는 영향을 미치지는 않는 것으로 나타났다. 반면 물가상승이나, 실업률의 증가, 대통령 선거 등의 변수는 상대적인 주택분야의 예산확대에 영향을 미치는 것으로 나타났다. 특히 실업이 증가하거나 물가상승이 심화되는 등 경제여건이 좋지 않을 경우 주택예산이 확대되어 직, 간접적인 주택정책의 변화가 있었던 것으로 분석된다.

선거제도는 대의민주주의를 실현하는 한 가지 방법으로, 국민이 자신의 대표자를 선택하는 행위를 말하는 것으로 대의제도에 있어서 없어서는 안 될 필수적인 요소 라 할 것이다. 다시 말하면, 선거가 존재하지 않는 대의제도는 생각할 수 없으며, 국 민은 자신이 가진 선거권을 행사함으로써 자신이 택한 국가기관에 강한 민주적 정 당성을 부여하는 것이다. 그러나 우리나라 현행 국회의원 선거 제도는 다수의 의미 에서 평등하지 못한 결과를 초래하는 경향이 현저하게 존재하고 있다. 즉, 낙선된 모든 후보에 대한 선거인의 투표는 대의기관 구성에 전혀 영향을 미치지 못하는 것 이다. 이에 이러한 선거제도를 개혁하기 위해 몇 년 전부터 연동형 비례대표제가 논의되어 왔고, 최근에는 그 논의가 정치권과 학계를 중심으로 더 활발히 진행되어 ‘준 연동형 비례대표제’라는 선거방식이 채택되었다. 한편, 이러한 ‘준 연동형 비례 대표제’에 관해 여러 가지 문제가 제기되고 있는데 이는 크게 3가지 나눌 수 있다. 첫째, 우리나라는 대통령제여서 ‘준 연동형 비례대표제’와 제도적으로 맞지 않는다는 것이고, 둘째, ‘준 연동형 비례대표제’가 시행되면 다당제가 출현할 것이고, 이로 인해 야당이 분열되며 이에 따른 결과로 의회가 집행부를 견제하는 기능이 지금보 다 훨씬 더 약해질 것이라는 지적이 있다. 셋째로, 다당제의 장점이 연정을 통한 대 화와 협력이라면 가장 큰 단점은 극우·극좌의 극단주의 세력이 출현할 가능성이 양 당제보다 크다는 점을 들고 있다. 이에 대한 반론으로 대통령제와 ‘준 연동형 비례 대표제’가 동시에 시행되어 다당제가 확산된다고 하더라도 반드시 혼란스러운 정국 으로 이어진다고 말할 수는 없고, 또한, 다당제를 통해서 다수의 야당이 집행부 정 책에 대해 여러 가지 측면에서 비판하는 기회를 가질 수 있으며, 봉쇄조항과 다수 의 의석을 가진 정당이 연정을 주도하기 때문에 극우, 극좌의 극단주의 세력이 의 회를 주도할 수 없다는 것이다. 그러나 이러한 논쟁을 떠나 대의제 민주주의에서 가장 중요하게 생각해야 하는 것은 국민의 정치적 의사가 대의기관에 제대로 반영 되어야 한다는 것이고 같은 맥락에서 ‘준 연동형 비례대표제’로 구성된 다당제 의 회는 제왕적 대통령제 시스템 대한 견제장치로서 역할을 함과 동시에 다당제적 의 회 형성을 통해 다양한 국민의 목소리를 정치에 반영할 수 있을 것이라 생각된다.

본 연구의 목적은 미 유권자들의 대북 위협인식이 트럼프 대통령에 대한 호감도 및 중간 선거 투표행위에 어떠한 영향을 주었는지 분석하는 것이다. 트럼프 대통령은 2018년 1차 북미정상회담 이후 북한 핵위협이 사라졌다며 자신의 협상 능력을 과시하였고, 이를 통해 유권자들의 지지를 이끌어내려 하였다. 본 연구는 1차 북미정상회담 이후 2018년 미국 중 간선거 직전 실시된 설문조사를 통해 미 유권자들의 대북 위협인식이 트럼프 대통령에 대 한 호감도와 투표행위에 어떤 영향을 주었는지 정량적으로 분석하였다. 분석 결과에 따르 면, 우선 북한 문제 관심도와 북한에 대해 느끼는 위협도가 높을수록 미 유권자들의 2018 년 중간선거 투표 참여 의향이 유의미하게 높게 나타났다. 둘째, 미 유권자가 북한 문제 관 심도가 높고 북한에 대해 느끼는 위협도가 낮을수록 트럼프 대통령에 대한 호감도가 높았다. 셋째, 북한에 대한 위협을 적게 느끼는 유권자일수록 정파성과 상관없이 공화당 상원 의원 후보에게 투표할 의향이 높게 나타났다. 반면, 북한에 대한 위협을 많이 느낄수록 민 주당 지지자들이 공화당 지지자 혹은 무당파와 비교했을 때 공화당 상원의원 후보에 투표 할 의향이 유의미하게 낮아졌다. 이러한 결과는 비록 대통령 선거가 없는 중간선거일지라 도 북한 위협인식이 선거 결과에 중요한 요인이며, 그 효과는 지지 정당에 따라 다르게 나 타남을 보여준다. 즉, 외교정책 결정과정에 영향을 미칠 수 있는 상원의원 선거가 시행되 는 중간선거에서도 북한 문제가 유의미한 것이다. 요컨대 이러한 결과는 북한 문제가 미 유권자들의 투표 의향과 후보자 선택에 영향을 미칠 수 있는 이슈임을 보여주며, 차기 미 행정부의 대북정책 수행 및 국정운영에 시사점을 줄 수 있을 것이다.

본 연구는 당원들이 다른 정당으로 정당을 이탈함에 있어 영향을 미치는 요인을 경험적으로 살펴보았다. 당원은 일반 유권자보다 자신이 소속되어있는 정당에 강한 일체감을 보이는 활동가로, 대체적으로 한 정당에서 당비를 내고 선거캠페인을 하는 등 다양한 활동을 이어간다. 하지만 일부의 당원들은 다소 번거로운 탈당과 입당 절차에도 불구하고 다른 정당으로 소속을 변경하는 이탈의 행태를 보이고 있다. 본 연구는 이러한 당원들을 ‘유동적 당원’으로 정의하고, 허쉬만의 EVL 모델과 마치와 사이먼의 이직 이론을 적용하여 이들의 정당 이탈에 영향을 미치는 요인을 경험적으로 살펴보았다. 분석결과를 요약하면 다음과 같다. 첫째, 당원의 약 20%가 당적 변경의 경험을 가지고 있으며, 직접적으로 당원들이 정당을 변경한 이유를 살펴본 결과 보수 진영 정당 소속이었던 경우 정당의 이념이나 정책에 대한 불만족으로 다른 이념의 정당으로 소속을 변경한 반면, 중도와 진보 정당당원의 경우 정당의 대표나 후보에 대한 불만족이 정당지지 변경의 가장 큰 이유로 나타났다. 둘째, EVL 모형과 이직 이론을 활용한 정당 이탈 모형을 통해 유동적 당원을 살펴본 결과 이전 정당에 대한 호감도, 대체가능한 정당의 수, 이전 정당과 당원 개인 간의 이념적 거리감, 그리고 당파성이 당원들의 이탈에 가장 큰 영향을 미치는 것이 확인되었다. 본 연구는 유동적 당원에 대해 주목하고 있으며, 당원들의 행태를 살펴봄으로써 향후 정당정치의 위기 속에서 정당이 당원을 중심으로 한 지지층을 유지하고 결집시키는 데에 주요한 함의를 제공한다.

This article focuses on Korean parties to address the following gaps in the literature on party member activism: First, little attention has been paid to party members in non-Western democracies. Second, it is unclear how intraparty democracy is related to member activism. Unlike most industrialized democracies, South Korea has recently seen a notable growth in party membership. However, dues-paying remains the exception rather than the rule in the major parties, while the opposite is true for the minor, leftist parties. Using data from party member surveys, I examine the determinants of member activism across three Korean parties, focusing on the effect of members’ evaluations of the internal democracy of their party. I argue that dues-paying has risen as a new form of activism as democracy has been consolidated, and present evidence for a paradox of intra-party democracy that members positively evaluating internal democracy of their party remain less active.

이 연구는 한국의 국회의원 선거과정에서 나타나는 정당의 후보공천과 관련된 제반 문제점을 고찰하고, 후보공천의 대표성 증진을 위한 개선방안을 제시하는 것을 기본 목적으로 한다. 한국의 선거과정에서 정당의 공직후보 공천과정은 정당정치와 민주주의 발전을 위해 매우 중요한 부분이다. 그럼에도 불구하고, 매 선거 시기마다 정당의 공직후보 공천은 많은 혼란과 잡음이 지속되어 다양한 문제점을 양산하고 있다. 연구 결과, 한국 정당의 후보공천제도는 후보공천의 민주성 차원에서 민주화 이후 경선제도의 도입 등 많은 부분개선이 이루어졌으나, 아직도 각 정당들마다 후보공천의 규정이 제도적으로 정착되지 못하는 등 후보공천의 공정성 차원에서 개선되어야 할 점이 많은 것으로 분석되었다. 정당정치가 안정적으로 기반을 마련하지 못한 상태에서 매 선거 시기마다 나타나는 후보공천의 각종 잡음과 혼란은 정당정치는 물론 한국의 민주주의를 안정적으로 공고화시키지 못하는 주요한 원인임에 틀림이 없다. 이에 따라 이 연구는 민주화 이후 한국 정당의 국회의원선거 후보공천 과정에서 나타나는 제반 문제점을 후보공천의 민주성과 공정성 차원에서 분석하고, 이를 통해 정당의 후보공천이 지니는 대표성을 증진시킬 수 있는 정당정치의 발전 방향을 모색하고자 한다.

We use spatial econometrics on a unique data set covering 229 Korean regions to analyze the outcome of Korea’s 2017 presidential election. We see strong statistical evidence of spatial correlation, suggesting that neighboring regions vote similarly, which is in accord with findings in the international context. Our findings are distinct in that we see little evidence that Korea’s 2017 outcome was driven by the economic disparities between the southeast and the southwest, a highly sensitive political issue in the country. Voters’ region of origin and age are the two most important factors in vote choice, irrespective of the socioeconomic and demographic characteristics of their regions.

In scholarship about the South Korean party system, the two main political parties are seen as organizations with a certain degree of continuity despite constant party name changes, mergers and splits, but, at the same time, as lacking institutionalization because of those constant changes. This article argues that, after the democratic transition, an important part of the authoritarian institutional setting and of the political elites of the previous period had a continuation in the new system. To prove this argument this article looks at the so-called conservative party(ies) between 1972 and 1997 and traces its continuity in the National Assembly.

21대 국회의원 총선거에서 더불어민주당이 압도적으로 승리한 이유가 코로나19 위기상황에 잘 대처한 정부에 대한 긍정평가라는 주장은 경험적으로 얼마나 타당한가? 더불어민주당의 압승은 코로나19 대응으로 인한 결과인가, 혹은 코로나19라는 외생적 요인이 없었더라도 민주당이 승리할 만한 내생적 요인이 있었을까? 본 연구는 제21대 국회의원 총선거 유권자 정치의식조사를 사용하여 이번 선거에서 중요한 이슈였던 코로나19에 대한 정부 대응평가와 야당심판론이 이전 선거와 이번 선거 간 투표 변경에 미친 효과를 분석한다. 상호작용 모델 분석 결과, 첫째, 이전 선거에서 민주당에 투표했던 사람들은 물론이고 이전 20대 총선에서 민주당에 투표하지 않았던 사람 중에서도 정부의 코로나19 대응을 긍정적으로 평가할 경우 더불어민주당에 투표할 확률이 높았다. 마찬가지로 이전 20대 총선에서 민주당에 투표하지 않았던 사람 중에서도 야당심판론에 공감할수록 더불어민주당에 투표할 확률이 높았다. 두 가지 상호작용 효과 중 야당심판론의 효과가 코로나19 대응에 대한 효과보다 더 커서, 더불어민주당의 승리는 코로나19에 잘 대응한 정부 덕분이기도 하지만, 야당의 실책에서 이익을 본 결과라고 해석할 수 있다.

Abstract This article critically examines the state of South Korea’s consolidated democracy in the post‐2016 Candlelight period. More specifically, I identify a “glass ceiling” in raising the quality of South Korean democracy, drawing attention to institutional‐cultural factors as an underlying barrier for further democratic progress. Political culture reinforces existing institutional design flaws such as a strong executive and a weak political party system. This in turn creates a permissive environment encouraging ruling parties to protect the presidency and implement the Blue House’s agenda through means which do not necessarily comport with liberal democracy. After presenting data from several indexes that measure the quality of democracy in South Korea, I discuss how institutions and culture interact to limit democratic advancement. I then use the Sewol ferry disaster during the conservative Park Geun‐hye administration and implementation of South Korea’s inter‐Korea engagement policy during the progressive Moon Jae‐in government to illustrate my argument.

This article analyses the organisational development of political parties in new democracies. In particular, focusing on Korean cases, it extends the existing discussions over party organisation into Asian democracies by examining the ways of overcoming the traditions of clientelism. Employing a dimensional approach, the evaluation relies on three core characteristics of party organisation by utilising a novel source of the official data of party organisation in Korea and a data of the Comparative Manifesto Project. Covering the long-term variations on organisational development, 1992–2018, it finds that Korean parties have experienced the waning power of the Party Central Office and the weakening ties with civil society. Despite these characteristics of development of a cartel-party type organisation, analysis does not confirm the expected of convergence of programmatic appeals between parties. These mixed findings lead to the conclusion that Korean parties have developed toward not a catch-all organisation, but a loosely cartelised organisation.

이 글의 목적은 공약분석에 기초해 민주화 이후 정당 간 이념갈등의 성격을 규명하는데 있다. 이를 위해 1992년부터 2017년까지 주요정당의 총선과 대선공약에 대한 내용분석과 요인분석이 수행되었다. 분석의 결과는 한국 정당의 이념갈등이 정치 영역의 ‘평화·민주’와 ‘국가안보’, 그리고 경제영역의 ‘좌-우’ 차원에서 나타나고 있음을 보여준다. 이러한 발견은 국회의원 이념연구에서 나타난 ‘반공주의’와 ‘좌-우’ 갈등을 공약분석을 통해 확인하는 것이고, 여기에 더해 ‘민주주의’ 갈등이 지속되고 있음을 보여준다. 탈물질주의 갈등은 정당 간 정책경쟁에서 드러나지 않고, 사회문화적 수준의 ‘권위주의 대 자유주의’ 갈등도 정당수준의 이념갈등에서는 보이지 않는다. 대신에 권위주의와 자유주의 가치는 안보와 민주주의의 정치 이슈와 연관되고, 자유와 인권의 가치는 진보의 영역에 속하는 것으로 나타난다. 분석 결과들이 전체적으로 주는 함의는 민주화 이후 한국 정당정치가 경제적 ‘좌-우’ 갈등을 안착시킴과 동시에, 권위주의적 경험에 대한 경로의존성으로 인해 다양한 사회적 갈등의 동원에 결핍을 보이고 있다는 것이다.

최근 입법, 행정 등 국정 전 분야에서 직접민주주의 또는 참여민주주의적 요소가 강화되는 제도적 변화가 전개되고 있다. 현재 대한민국 헌법 제26조에서 규정 하고 있는 청원권이 불완전하나마 입법과정에 대한 국민의 참여를 보장하고 있다. 정부는 물론 대다수 국민들에게 잊혀진 권리였던 청원권은 문재인 정부가 2017 년 개설한 청와대 국민청원에 의해 조명 받게 되었다. 그러나 청와대 국민청원의 문제점으로 권력집중 및 권력남용의 통로, 정치세력간 적대적 대결 공간으로의 변 질 등이 지적되고 있다. 마침 국회는 2020년 1월부터 국민이 직접 온라인을 통해 법률 개정이나 제도 개 선 등을 요청할 수 있는 국민동의청원시스템 운영을 시작했다. 국회법에 근거한 국 민동의청원제도는 청원의 접수부터 처리까지 전 과정을 국회가 총괄하여 최종적인 입법으로까지 이어질 수 있기 때문에, 청와대 국민청원보다 청원인의 권리 실현에 직접적인 기여를 할 수 있다. 이에 국민동의청원제도는 ‘권리’로서의 청원의 성격 을 보다 명확히 하고, 대의민주주의 시스템 안으로 직접민주주의적 요소를 통합했 다는 긍정적 평가를 받고 있다 21대 국회가 개원하고 첫 정기회를 앞둔 이 시점에서, 국회 국민동의청원제도가 국회와 국민과의 연결고리로서의 역할을 다할 수 있도록 국민들의 참여기회를 확 대하고 정보소통을 원활히 하는 보완책들을 검토할 필요가 있다.

2018년 두 차례 남북한 정상회담(판문점과 평양)과 북미 정상회담(베트남과 싱가포르)이 개최되면서 한반도의 비핵화와 북한 경제개방 논의가 활발하게 진행되고 있다. 남북관계 사안의 특성상 단기간 내에 구체적인 성과를 거두기 어렵고, 장기간 정책을 추진하는 과정에서 예상치 못한 장애가 조성되는 경우가 많기 때문에 남북관계의 합의내용을 법률 제정을 통한 제도화와 국민의 지지 확보는 필수적 현안이다. 따라서 본 연구는 김정은 체제 출범 이후 북한 국토 및 경제 개발 동향을 살펴보고, 향후 원활한 남북경제협력을 위한 입법 및 정책 과제를 도출하는데 그 목적이 있다.

Abstract South Korea and Taiwan have developed very different sets of election campaign regulations. While both countries had highly restrictive campaign rules during the authoritarian era, they have diverged since democratic transition. South Korea still imposes numerous restrictions on campaigning activities, but Taiwan has removed most of the restrictions. We explore the causes of these divergent trajectories through comparative historical process tracing, focusing on critical junctures and path dependence. We find that incumbency advantage and containment of new opposition parties were the primary objectives of introducing stringent regulations under the authoritarian regimes in both countries. The key difference was that, during the democratic transition, legislators affiliated with the opposition parties as well as the ruling party in South Korea enjoyed the incumbency advantage but that opposition forces in Taiwan did not. As a result, the opposition in Taiwan fought for liberalization of campaign regulations, but the South Korean opposition did not.

지금까지 북한은 대남혁명 전략 차원에서 한국의 정치적 지평을 북한에 유리하게 만들기 위해 한국의 주요 선거에 개입하여 왔다. 이 같은 대남 선거공작은 정치전의 주요 수단으로서 소위 영향공작과의 깊은 관련 속에서 치밀하게 수행되었다. 그러한 선거공작들은 과거동독이나 중국 등이 분단실체에 대한 사회주의 투쟁의 일환으로 전개한 선거공작들과 매우 유사하다. 북한의 선거공작은 국제법적 측면에서 보면 한국의 내정에 대한 불법·부당한 간섭이자 국가 독립권을 중대하게 침해·훼손하는 행위를 이룬다. 그런 행위는 우리 국민의 정치적 자결권에 대한 침해를 구성하기도 한다. 뿐만 아니라 남북기본합의서와 4·27 판문점 선언 등을 위반하는 것으로 남북화해와 협력의 분위기 조성에도 도움이 되지 않는다. 따라서 우리는 지금부터라도 북한의 정교한 선거공작에 대해 철저한 진상 규명, 즉각 중단 및 재발방지 보장 요구, 관련법 제정 등 체계적이고 종합적인 대응전략을 마련해야 한다.

이 글은 준연동형 비례대표제를 도입한 21대 총선을 사례로 전략적인 분할투표를 연구한다. 특히 사표방지와 연합보장 분할투표가 동기가 다른 동일한 행태라는 점에 주목하여 선거에서 유의미한 득표율을 보였던 민주당, 통합당, 정의당, 국민의당에 부여한 온도지수를 이용하여 총 69개의 선호 순위를 구축해 투표선택과 비교 분석했다. 그 결과 응답자의 86.9%가 선호순위에 걸맞게 합리적으로 투표했음을 발견했다.BR 전략적 분할투표에 영향을 미치는 독립변수들을 동기와 능력으로 구분해 진행한 이어진 분석에서 사표방지나 연합보장 분할투표시 최선과 차선 정당 간의 선호도 차이가 중요한 기준으로 활용되었음을 발견했다. 또한 유권자의 정당일체감의 효과가 지지정당에 따라 다르게 나타났음도 발견했다. 거대정당 지지자들의 강한 정당일체감은 분할투표를 억제하는 효과를 발휘한데 반해, 군소정당 지지자들의 강한 일체감은 분할투표를 촉진하는 효과를 지니고 있었다. 아울러 분할투표의 능력 변수로 사용했던 준연동형 비례제에 대한 이해 정도는 무지한 분할투표와 세련된 분할투표가 혼합된 효과를 일부 지니고 있었음도 발견했다.

이 논문은 한국에서 약 20년 동안 시행된 총 396회의 인사청문회를 대상으로 하여, 국회 인사청문회의 임명동의와 관련된 다양한 요인의 영향력에 대해 살펴보았다. 본 연구에서는 상시적인 원내갈등이 존재하는 한국의 의회정치 상황을 고려하여 분점정부, 정파적 갈등, 대통령 지지율과 같은 정치환경적 요인에 주목하였다. 하지만 인사청문회의 임명동의에는 공직후보자, 청문위원, 임명권자(또는 지명권자)인 대통령, 공직의 성격 등의 후보자 요인과 제도적 요인도 영향을 미칠 수 있기 때문에, 이런 요인들 역시 포함하여 분석하였다.<BR> 분석 결과 후보자의 개인적 요인 중에서는, 윤리적 문제(재산 · 가족, 처신 · 이념)가 있을 경우 임명동의를 받을 가능성이 낮았고, 내부 승진 및 전 · 현직 국회의원일 경우 임명동의를 받을 가능성이 높았다. 정치환경적 요인 중에서는, 대통령 지지율이 높거나, 정파적 갈등수준이 낮거나, 상임위원장이 여당 소속일 경우 임명동의를 받을 가능성이 높았다. 제도적 요인 중에서는, 사법부 인사일 경우 임명동의를 받을 가능성이 높은 것으로 나타났다. 이러한 경험적 결과는 여야의 대립과 갈등 속에 한국의 인사청문회가 정파적인 차원에서 운영되고 있으며, 정치 환경에 상당한 영향을 받고 있음을 의미한다.

Purpose Political analyses of the East Asian welfare state development often stress the importance of the power resource model, in which vibrant coalitions between the leftist party, interest groups, civil society and working-class unions have become driving factors in producing generous welfare outcomes. Challenging such analyses, this article discusses the convergence of the political attitude between political actors who are increasingly homogeneous (supportive) when it comes to the universal welfare state notion by focussing on childcare in South Korea. Design/methodology/approach By using desk review of the peer-reviewed literature and reports, this article investigates the causation for why political parties with different political ideologies were keen on extending childcare programs and its outcome in addressing the existing demographic problems in Korea. Findings Although the collective movement, especially in the 1990s and 2000s, had given important contributions to the early development of childcare in South Korea, more breakthroughs in childcare features were precisely and rapidly developed after politicians from different spectrums of political affiliations converged in their supportive attitude of the universal welfare. The driving factors of political convergence itself are not merely due to electoral competition or political activism; furthermore, it can be linked to the increased global institution involvement in domestic policy with extensive permeability, which, have ruined domestic policy development maintained for ideological reasoning and bring in more popular policy setting. Originality/value This article contributes to the growing literature on the political aspect of East Asian social policy studies, which goes beyond the traditional power resource analysis and makes a novel contribution to the childcare policy studies.

본 연구의 목적은 지방정부의 당파성이 복지지출에 어떤 영향을 미치는지 실증적으로 규명하는데 있다. 지자체 사회복지사업을 OECD SOCX 기준에 따라 전수 분류해 구축한 ‘지자체 복지지출DB’를 활용하여 지방수준의 당파성 효과 분석연구의 타당성과 신뢰성을 높였다. 본 연구를 통해 밝혀진 주요 연구결과는 크게 세 가지다. 첫째, 기초 지방자치단체 수준에서 단체장의 당파성은 복지지출에 영향을 미친다. 둘째, 지방의회의 당파성과 복지지출의 관계는 비선형적이고, 단체장의 영향에 비하면 무시할 정도이다. 셋째, 좌·우 정당 간 경쟁이 사실상 무의미한 호남에서 당파성과 복지지출의 관계는 사라지거나 권력자원론에 반하는 결과를 보여준다. 본 연구는 엄격한 연구설계를 통해 변수의 지표 선정과 측정을 합리적으로 재설정하여 실증분석을 시도함으로써 그동안 불일치해왔던 지방정부의 당파성과 복지지출 간 관계 연구에 권위있는 분석 결과를 제시하였다는 점에서 연구의 의의를 찾을 수 있다.

Abstract In this paper, we study how political parties react to democratic transitions. We find that the structure of legislators’ social networks plays a critical role in shaping their political interactions during the transition period, and consequently, the post-transition party systems that emerge. We focus on the Korean case, where the incumbent authoritarian party merged with one of its pro-democracy opponents to create a powerful and enduring conservative party under democratic rule. Using a novel individual-level dataset on all legislative members during the transition, we find that the merger was facilitated by dense social networks linking members of the merged parties, which increased trust across the parties and reduced the difficulty of a merger. Conversely, we find that the paucity of ties linking pro-democracy parties hindered their long-term cooperation, despite their shared ideologies and policy goals. The study complements existing theories by providing a network-based explanation for the weakly institutionalized political party system that has characterized Korean politics since democratization.

Korea meets the generally accepted criteria of procedural democracy, and it has high ratings on political rights and civil liberties. Elite disunity was deeply rooted in Korean history. Although Syngman Rhee became president under a quasi-democratic constitution, he regularly violated its modest restrictions over the next twelve years to hold onto the presidency and to suppress his opponents. By the late 1950s, the Korean national elite displayed the basic configuration that persisted for the next thirty years. The ruling party accepted a statement in the preamble praising "the spirit of democracy" represented by the 1960 student uprising against Syngman Rhee—seen by the opposition as acknowledging the publics right to oppose an authoritarian regime—and a statement that: "The armed forces take it as their duty to perform the sacred duty of national security and territorial defense, and their political neutrality shall be observed."

본 연구는 한국에서 활동하고 있는 독일 정치재단의 목적과 활동 및 역할을 분석하고 이를 통해 한국 정당 정책연구소의 함의를 찾고자 한다. 기존 선행연구에 따르면 한국 정당 정책연구소들은 외국의 모범 사례로 독일 정치재단의 제도적 특징을 포괄적으로 분석하였다. 본 연구에서는 독일 정치재단의 설립 목적과 실행방안에 대하여 각 정치재단이 매년 발간하고 있는 연간 보고서(Jahresbericht)를 중심으로 활동 내용을 비교·분석했다. 또한, 한국에서 독립적으로 활동하고 있는 콘라드 아데나워 재단과 한스 자이델 재단 해외 사무소를 중심으로 세부적인 활동 내용과 정치재단의 활동 실효성을 검토하였다. 마지막으로 독일 정치재단의 사례연구를 통해 한국 정당 정책연구소의 바람직한 발전 방향을 위한 시사점을 제시하였다.

안건신속처리제도로 대표되는 대한민국국회의 신속입법절차는 국회의원 가중다 수가 입법을 요한다고 합의한 법률안에 대해 국회 입법절차를 진행시켜 입법의 가 능성을 제고하는 제도이다. 일차적으로 효율적 적시 입법을 가능하게 하며, 소관위 원회의 법률안 심사, 법제사법위원회의 체계･자구심사, 본회의 상정 후 심사가 법 정 심사기간 내 완료되지 않는 경우 다음 단계로의 자동부의를 통해 입법절차를 진행시킴으로써 입법절차 각 단계에서 심의와 공론을 촉진하여 궁극적으로 숙의를 통한 법률안 심사 및 이를 통한 입법의 질과 정당성 제고를 취지로 한다. 2012년 ｢국회법｣ 개정을 통해 도입된 이래 ｢사회적 참사의 진상규명 및 안전사회 건설 등 을 위한 특별법(약칭 “사회적 참사법”)｣(법률 제15213호, 2017.12.12. 제정 및 시행)의 제정 과정에서 법률안이 2016년12월에 최초로 신속처리대상안건으로 지정되 기까지 사용된 예가 없었으나, 2019년4월~2020년1월 ｢공직선거법｣(법률 제16864 호, 2020.1.14. 일부개정 및 시행) 개정, ｢고위공직자범죄수사처 설치 및 운영에 관한 법률｣(법률 제16863호, 2020.1.14. 제정, 2020.7.15. 시행예정) 제정, ｢형사소송법｣(법 률 제16924호, 2020.2.4. 일부개정, 시행일 미정) 개정, ｢검찰청법｣(법률 제16908호, 2020.2.4. 일부개정, 시행일 미정) 개정의 일련의 입법과정에서 사용되면서, 제도의 보완과 개선을 위한 논의와 연구의 새로운 계기가 마련되었다. 현행 ｢국회법｣상 안 건신속처리제도의 입법과정에서의 숙의기능의 실질적 제고 관점에서의 보완과 개선을 위해, 다음과 같은 안을 고려할 수 있다. 우선 제도의 생산적 사용을 위한 전 제로서, 국회 법안심사 일정을 쟁점의 수 및 난이도와 합의의 정도 등 기준에 따라 별도의 의안목록으로 나누어 심의하는 제도를 도입하여, 쟁점법안 내지 합의가 어 려운 법률안에 대한 원내정당간 입장 대립과 갈등으로 인해 이외의 법률안의 입법 도 교착 내지 지연되는 상황을 방지하는 것이 바람직하다. 또한 헌법재판의 결과 입법적 조치가 권고되는 경우의 해당 법률안 심사는 별도의 의안목록과 심사일정 에 따라 진행하는 것이 바람직할 것이다. 다음, 직접적인 ｢국회법｣ 제85조의2 신속 처리제도의 개선안으로서, 특정 법률안이 신속처리대상안건으로 지정된 이후의 법 률안 심의와 그 과정에서의 숙의가 실질적으로 이루어질 수 있는 제도적 동기와 근거가 필요하다는 점에서, 신속처리안건으로 지정된 법률안은 그 심의를 위한 입 법절차 각 단계에서의 회의 일정을 정례화하여 의무적으로 개회하도록 하고 이와 같은 법정 최소 횟수의 법률안 심의를 법정 기간과 함께 입법절차 다음 단계로의 이동 내지 자동부의의 조건으로 할 것을 제안한다. 법률의 내용과 성질상 개정의 신속성을 특별히 요하는 경우, 개별 법률에서 당해 법률의 개정이 신속한 절차에 따라 이루어지도록 규정하는 입법방식도 함께 고려할 수 있다. 입법과정에서의 숙 의기능 강화 논의는, 입법과정과 그 결과물로서의 법률의 효력 정당성과의 상관성 하에서 입법자의 정당한 역할을 어떻게 이해할 것인지, 그리고 입법과정 자체를 어 떻게 이해하고 설명하는지에서 출발한다. 대의민주주의를 원칙으로 하며 직접민주 주의 내지 참여민주주의적 요소를 보충 내지 강화해 가는 근래의 제도 변화의 큰 추이에서 대의민주주의의 민주주의 관점에서의 정당화 근거에 비추어 볼 때, 입법 과정에서의 숙의는 입법의 과정과 결과의 정당성의 핵심적 요소로서, 입법과정에 서의 숙의기능을 강화하고 실질화하는 노력은 입법의 질과 정당성 제고를 위해 제 도 내외에서 이루어져야 한다.

본 연구는 제21대 국회의원선거에서 대통령의 코로나 대응 평가를 사례로, 유권자의 회고적 투표 행태를 경험적으로 검증한다. 더불어민주당의 압승으로 귀결된 선거 결과가 대통령의 코로나 대응이 효과적이었기 때문이었다는 평가를 재고하고자, 유권자들의 당파적 편향을 고려하여 회고적 투표 선택을 보다 면밀하게 고찰한다. 분석의 결과, 대통령의 코로나 대응에 대한 평가, 그리고 평가가 긍정적일수록 더불어민주당을 선택하는 확률이 높아진 이면에는 유권자들의 당파적 선호가 영향을 미치는 것으로 나타났다. 대통령의 코로나 대응 평가는 유권자의 정당일체감에 따라 차이를 보였다. 그리고 특정한 정당을 지지하는 유권자들은 대통령의 코로나 대응 평가에 관계없이 선호하는 정당 및 소속 후보를 선택하였다. 본 연구의 분석은 더불어민주당의 압승이 코로나에 대한 대통령과 정부의 효과적인 대응을 넘어서서, 유권자의 정파적 지형에 의한 결과였음을 나타내고 있다.

Abstract Existing regime approaches characterize East Asian welfare states as possessing low levels of government intervention and investment in social welfare. However, democratization in the 1980s changed the socioeconomic structures of East Asian countries––leading them to rethink their welfare commitments. The late 1990s financial crisis and globalization also accelerated the reorganization of their welfare systems. Using the cases of Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, and Singapore, this article examines the diverse pathways of welfare development in this region. East Asian countries adopted more inclusive and redistributive welfare systems during periods of intense inter‐party political competition. On the other hand, amid less political competition, they either retained minimal welfare provisions or retrenched welfare.

본 연구는 한국 국회의원 선거에서 후보의 선거비용 지출이 득표율에 영향을 주는지를 실증적으로 분석했다. 특히 현직보다는 도전자나 비현직 후보의 선거비용 효과가 크다는 제이콥슨 효과를 한국적 상황에서 검증했다. 연구대상은 제20대 국회의원 선거다. 분석 결과는 다음과 같다. 다른 요인의 효과를 통제했을 때, 후보가 지출한 선거비용은 득표율에 영향을 주는 것으로 나타났다. 그리고 비현직 후보가 현직 후보보다 선거비용의 투자 효과를 더 누린다는 제이콥슨 효과도 확인했다. 또한 대정당 후보의 선거비용 지출 효과가 다른 후보보다 컸다. 대정당요인을 고려할 때, 비현직 후보의 경우 대정당 소속 여부에 따라 그 효과의 정도에 차이가 있었다. 즉 같은 비현직 후보라도 대정당 소속일 경우 다른 비현직 후보보다 선거비용 지출이 갖는 득표율 제고 효과가 더 컸다. 반면 군소정당이나 무소속 비현직 후보의 경우 선거비용지출의 득표율 제고 효과가 제한적이었다. 마지막으로 대구 ․ 경북 지역에서 지역 패권 정당인 새누리당 후보의 경우 선거비용 지출이 득표율에 미치는 영향은 거의 없었다.

유권자들은 자연재해의 발생과 그로 인한 피해에 대한 책임을 정부와 현직 정치인들에게 묻는가? 본 연구는 코로나19의 확산 속에서 치러진 제21대 국회의원선거 직후 실시한 설문조사를 분석하여, 코로나19가 유권자의 투표선택에 미친 영향을 경험적으로 분석하였다. 분석결과에 따르면, 이번 제21대 국회의원 선거에서 유권자들은 코로나19로 인해 발생한 개인의 질병적, 경제적, 정신적 피해 유무를 투표선택에 반영하지 않았다. 그러나 코로나19 정부 방역에 대한 유권자 평가는 투표선택에 통계적으로 유의미한 영향을 주었다. 구체적으로 지난 정부의 메르스 대처와의 비교평가와 외국 정부의 코로나19 대응과의 비교평가가 유권자의 투표선택에 중요한 영향을 미치는 변수로 나타났다. 이러한 결과는 유권자들이 감염성 질병의 발생과 그로 인한 개인의 피해 유무로 투표결정을 하기보다는 재난에 대한 정부의 대응을 평가하여 합리적으로 투표결정을 한다는 것을 보여준다.

본 연구는 국회 내 정당 간 이념 양극화에 있어 국회에 새로 진입하는 초선의원들이 어떠한 영향을 미치고 있는지 알아보는 것을 목적으로 하였다. 정당 간 양극화 연구는 국회, 정당, 선거 연구에 있어 핵심 주제로 떠오르며 다양한 논의가 이루어지고 있다. 그러나 정당 간 양극화를 정확히 이해하기 위해서는 양극화를 세부적으로 파악하는 것이 필요하다. 이를 위해 제16대 국회부터 제20대 국회 초선의원들의 이념을 재선 이상 의원들과 비교해 보았고 두 정당 간 초선의원과 재선 이상 의원의 이념 격차를 살펴보았다. 종합적으로 보았을 때 각 정당의 초선의원의 이념은 재선 이상 의원과 차이가 없다는 점을 알 수 있었다. 또한, 두 정당 초선의원 간 그리고 재선 이상 의원 간 이념 차이는 점점 커지고 있음을 발견할 수 있었으며 초선의원 간 이념 차이가 재선 이상 의원들 간 이념 차이보다 크다는 점을 알 수 있었다. 이는 국회 내 정당 간 양극화가 재선 이상 의원들의 적응효과 그리고 초선의원들에 의한 대체효과에 의해 이루어지고 있음을 보여주는 것이며 특히, 대체효과의 영향력이 크다는 점을 말하는 것이다. 이는 국회 내 양극화는 초선의원들이 주도하고 있다는 점을 말해주는 것으로 국회와 정당에 대한 높은 불신을 해소하고 개혁과 변화를 위해 영입된 새로운 인물들이 실제로는 국회 내 정당 간 양극화를 가속시키는 역할하고 있음을 보여주는 것이다. 앞서 언급했듯이 각 정당들은 국회의원선거 전 국회와 정당에 대한 큰 불신을 새로운 인물 영입을 통해 전환하려 하며 이들에 의한 정당이 변화하고 있다는 점을 인식시키려 한다. 그러나 정당들이 영입한 인물들은 유권자들에게는 새롭지만 정당 지도부에게는 익숙한 정치적 성향을 지닌 인물들이다. 이러한 결과들은 정당들은 인적 쇄신을 통해 개혁과 변화를 약속하지만 그러한 시도와 의지가 없다는 점을 보여주는 것이다.

본 논문은 우리 국회의 정치적 쟁점안건의 심의에서 왜 공식적인 위원회의 심사보다 정 당 간의 교섭이 중요하게 되었는지를 게임이론의 틀을 통해 분석해 보려고 한다. 정치적 현저성(political salience)이 큰 쟁점안건은 그 처리 결과가 각 정당의 정책 선호 달성 및 선거 전망에 미치는 영향이 크기 때문에 각 정당이 인식하는 정치적 영향(political implication)이 크다. 이 경우 개별 정당들은 위원회 심의안 또는 상대방의 입장을 수용하 기보다 자신의 입장을 우선 고수하고 협상에 들어가는 것이 유리하다. 위원회는 이러한 개 별 정당들의 입장을 알고 있으므로 쟁점안건에 대한 위원회 심사를 자제 또는 회피하는 것 이 유리하다. 세월호 특별법과 김영란법의 입법과정에 대한 사례연구 결과 정치적 현저성이 컸던 이 두 쟁점안건의 심사 과정에서 모두 위원회보다 정당 간의 교섭이 더 중요하였음이 나타났 다. 따라서 본 연구에서는 정치적 쟁점안건의 경우 위원회의 심사 권한이 무력화되고 정당 간 교섭이 중요해지는 현상이 어느 정도 불가피한 측면이 있다고 본다. 하지만 비공식적인 정당 간 교섭을 통해 입법과정이 진행될 경우에는 투명성 및 민주적 통제의 측면에서 문제 가 있다. 따라서 본 연구에서는 현재 비공식적으로 진행되고 있는 교섭단체 대표의원 간 협의를 공식화하고 기록을 남기며, 관계자의 참여를 확대하는 등의 개선방안을 제시하고 있다.

본 논문은 판문점 선언 등 남북합의서의 법적 성격과 효력을 살펴보고 이에 대한 국회의 비준 동의가 없을 때의 법적 효력과 비준 동의가 있을 때의 법적 효력을 구분하여 분석하 는 한편, 통일 전의 동서독 기본조약과 비교해 본다. 대한민국 헌법은 조약에 대해 ‘헌법에 의하여 체결·공포된 조약과 일반적으로 승인된 국 제법규는 국내법과 같은 효력을 가진다(제6조제1항).”라고 규정하고 있으나, 헌법 제3조에 서 “대한민국의 영토는 한반도와 그 부속도서로 한다.”라고 하여 서로 모순되는 듯한 헌법 규정으로 인하여 남북한 간의 합의서의 법적 효력에 대한 논란이 있다. 남북합의서 규범력의 안정적 확보를 위해서는 국회의 비준동의가 요구될 수 있으며, 또 한, 집권 정당의 교체와 관계없이 남북합의서의 효력이 유지되도록 하기 위하여 남북국회 회담이 개최되고 남북한 국회 및 정당 간의 교류가 유지되어야 한다는 견해가 있다. 이에 역대 남북국회회담의 추진경과 및 향후 추진방향에 대해서도 논의해 보기로 한다. 선행연구들과는 달리 남북합의서의 법적 성격 및 국회 비준동의 문제와 남북국회회담의 추진경과 및 그 추진방향에 대한 논의에 중점을 둔다.

The article considers the key issues related to the North Korea&rsquo;s nuclear problem in the context of the present policies of the United States towards the DPRK, as well as new priorities and evolving approaches of the Republican Administration regarding the tasks of providing peaceful resolution on the Korean Peninsula. It has been revealed that in recent years, the policy of President D. Trump in that area has been resolutely reshaped away from attachment to &ldquo;military option&rdquo; towards the search for negotiated solutions of the nuclear issue. In the paper, special attention is paid to the review of results achieved in the course of the dialogue as well as to assessment of the reasons which had led to its failure. It has been shown that the course of the incumbent Administration regarding North Korea is widely criticized in the United States for its inability to produce tangible outcomes. According to many estimates, the results of the American-North Korean summit meetings have revealed the only fact that presently, the DPRK has no intent to abandon either its nuclear weapons or delivery means. Moreover, Pyongyang has taken the occasion of the talks to augment its nuclear arsenal and upgrade the ballistic missiles capabilities. However, the ongoing discussion in the United States on the nuclear issue has highlighted that political opponents of President Trump have not yet succeeded in proposing any reasonable alternative to his policy. It can be assumed that the meaningful comprehension of the current situation as well as practical policy-making process will restart only after the presidential elections in the United States. In this vein, the author suggests his estimates of the prospects for progress in the settlement of the Korean crisis, which are provided together with the consideration of potential scenarios for future developments. It is argued that the most preferable and rational option should be the building of international cooperation and launching multilateral arrangement for a dialogue with the DPRK to resolve the nuclear issue.

노동조합은 경제와 정치의 양쪽에 걸쳐 기능하는 조직체로서 조합원의 경제적 이익과 함께 정치적 영향력 강화도 추구한다. 노동조합의 정치적 역량의 원천은 어디에서 있는지의 문제를 놓고 노사관계학자들은 노조에 가입한 노조원일수록 투표 참여 확률이 더 높은 노조효과(union effect)에 주목해 왔다. 이를 통해 노동조합이 조합원의 정치참여를 확대한다는 민주적 기능을 수행한다는 결론을 도출하고 있다. 이러한 실증연구는 노조 효과를 입증함으로써 노조의 긍정적 역할만을 강조하고 있는 반면 이론적 설명에는 상대적으로 미흡하다는 비판이 제기되기도 한다. 본 연구는 Verba 등의 시민자원 주의모델(civic voluntarism model)에 입각해 노조가 자원(resource), 관여(engagement), 모집(recruitment)의 측면에서 조합원들의 정치적 역량을 증진시킨다는 점에 주목했다. 노조원은 노조가 제공하는 시민적 기술이나 시간, 돈의 자원과 함께 노조의 조직적 지원으로 투표 참여 확률이 더 높을 것이라는 가설(노조효과)을 2003년 이후 한국의 주요 선거가 있던 해의 한국종합사회조사 데이터를 활용해 입증하였다. 아울러 노조원과 자원을 공유하는 배우자의 투표 확률도 더 높여줌으로써 노조효과가 노조의 울타리를 넘어서는 확산효과(spillover effect)도 확인하였다.

The American government’s broad ranging efforts targeting an array of challenges to US interests posed by the policies and behavior of the Chinese government developed through close collaboration between the Trump administration and both Democrats and Republicans in the Congress. Emerging erratically in the first year of the Trump administration in late 2017, the US government’s hardening against China later demonstrated momentum in gaining greater support in the United States. It reached a high point during the heat of the 2020 presidential election campaign as the most important foreign policy issue in the campaign. South Korea has shown more angst over its vulnerability to negative fallout from the growing US-China rivalry than any other regional power. South Korea is very exposed and has few good options for dealing with the intensifying US-China rivalry. Prevailing assumptions are that a tough US policy toward China will continue in 2021 and strong Chinese retaliation will follow South Korean moves to align with the United States in the rivalry with China.

87헌법체제는 지난한 한국 민주화의 불완전한 성취로서 위기와 발전을 거듭해 오면서 독자적 특징을 발현하여 세계가 주목하고 있다. 외국 헌정모델을 답습하기에만 급급했던 한국 헌정은 한국형 민주공화국의 골간을 유지하면서 하위 정치제 도와 정치사회 문화의 개혁으로 위기를 효과적으로 관리하고 그 충실도를 높여갈 필요성에 직면해 있다. 이 필요조건이 법치주의와 대의민주주의로부터 파생되는 입법권력 구성원리인 의회주의의 성숙이며, 이 조건을 달성하기 위한 의회개혁은 한국형 민주공화체제를 더욱 공고히 하기 위한 필수과제가 되었다. 2020년 5월 말로 임기만료된 제20대 국회는 광복 이후 헌정사상 초유의 대통령 탄핵을 이끌어내었으나 그 동력이었던 촛불혁명의 시민혁명적 계기를 국가통합과 발전의 과제로 온전히 전환하지 못하고 퇴행적 대결정치의 상처를 심화시켰다. 4.15 총선에서 확인되는 주권자 국민의 평가는 정권심판론보다 야당심판론의 성격 을 띰으로써 의회개혁의 필요성을 확인하는 것이었다. 한국형 민주공화체제의 진화라는 관점에서 필요조건인 의회개혁은 민주공화제 의 필수요건인 의회주의의 원칙을 기준으로 과거를 비판적으로 성찰하면서 미래의 과제를 설정하고 실천하는 것이다. 이 글은 이런 취지에서 제20대 국회를 평가하고 제21대 국회가 수행해야할 의회개혁의 과제를 의회주의의 관점에서 점검하는 것을 목적으로 한다. 우선 평가와 전망의 기준인 의회주의의 개념과 요소를 정리한다. 다음으로 의회주의의 원리적 요소를 기준으로 제20대 국회를 의회구성의 민주 적 대표성 강화, 이성적인 대화와 타협이 가능한 의정과정개혁, 의회독립성의 기초 가 되는 자정활동의 강화, 입법활동의 효과성과 민주적 대응성의 강화, 국정통제제도의 효율화를 기준으로 평가하고 제21대 국회의 과제로 제시한다. 대표적으로 국 민대표성을 강화하는 선거법제의 개혁과 의원정수의 확대, 입법과정 효율성과 효 과성의 증대를 위한 상시 국회 체제의 구축이나 법사위 체계자구심사권 폐지, 국회 윤리위원회의 독립성과 민주성 강화, 국정조사 등 국정통제에서의 야당의 역할 강 화, 인사청문제의 개선 등이다. 나아가 경제사회개혁이나 검찰개혁 등 일반적 개혁 또한 국회가 국민대표기관으로서 민주공화체제를 더욱 공고히 하는데 필수적인 과제이다.

본 논문은 소득기반 투표의 동기를 깊은 계급균열에 의해 형성된 소득지위(수요 측면 동기)와 정당들이 공급하는 재분배 정책에 의해 형성되는 선호(공급 측면 동기)로 구분하고, 소득지위와 재분배 선호가 각각 영국, 미국, 한국 유권자 투표결정에 어떠한 영향을 미치는가를 비교 분석하였다. 본 논문의 설문조사 자료 분석은 다음과 같은 결과를 산출하였다. 첫째, 영국인의 투표결정에 두 요인 모두 영향을 미쳤고, 미국인의 투표결정에는 재분배 선호만 영향을 미쳤다. 반면, 한국인의 투표결정에 소득지위와 재분배 선호 모두 영향을 미치지 않았다. 둘째, 영국인의 소득지위는 이들의 재분배 선호와 이민 선호에 영향을 미쳤고, 미국인의 소득지위는 이들의 재분배 선호와 소수 선호에 영향을 미쳤다. 반면, 한국인의 소득지위는 이들의 재분배 선호와 대북지원 선호와 관련이 없었다. 본 논문의 발견이 제시하는 함의는 정당 간 차별적인 재분배 정책대결이 재분배 선호를 형성시켜 소득기반 투표를 촉진시킬 수 있다는 것이다.

본 논문은 우리 국회의 정치적 쟁점안건의 심의에서 왜 공식적인 위원회의 심사보다 정 당 간의 교섭이 중요하게 되었는지를 게임이론의 틀을 통해 분석해 보려고 한다. 정치적 현저성(political salience)이 큰 쟁점안건은 그 처리 결과가 각 정당의 정책 선호 달성 및 선거 전망에 미치는 영향이 크기 때문에 각 정당이 인식하는 정치적 영향(political implication)이 크다. 이 경우 개별 정당들은 위원회 심의안 또는 상대방의 입장을 수용하 기보다 자신의 입장을 우선 고수하고 협상에 들어가는 것이 유리하다. 위원회는 이러한 개 별 정당들의 입장을 알고 있으므로 쟁점안건에 대한 위원회 심사를 자제 또는 회피하는 것 이 유리하다. 세월호 특별법과 김영란법의 입법과정에 대한 사례연구 결과 정치적 현저성이 컸던 이 두 쟁점안건의 심사 과정에서 모두 위원회보다 정당 간의 교섭이 더 중요하였음이 나타났 다. 따라서 본 연구에서는 정치적 쟁점안건의 경우 위원회의 심사 권한이 무력화되고 정당 간 교섭이 중요해지는 현상이 어느 정도 불가피한 측면이 있다고 본다. 하지만 비공식적인 정당 간 교섭을 통해 입법과정이 진행될 경우에는 투명성 및 민주적 통제의 측면에서 문제 가 있다. 따라서 본 연구에서는 현재 비공식적으로 진행되고 있는 교섭단체 대표의원 간 협의를 공식화하고 기록을 남기며, 관계자의 참여를 확대하는 등의 개선방안을 제시하고 있다.

Teaching controversial issues can be challenging for any teacher, but especially so when the teacher is a cultural outsider. In this article, we provide a snapshot of one social studies educator’s experiences teaching about two hotly contested elections—the 2016 U.S. presidential election and the 2017 Korean special election—to middle school Korean students. Each lesson brought to the forefront challenges similar to those faced in the United States but with very different outcomes, suggesting instructions that may offer solutions for social studies educators in the United States. This article provides an interesting perspective about a unique circumstance teaching social studies material in a foreign country. Additionally, this article highlights experiences teaching contested elections and provides insight into the parallel challenges social studies teachers in the United States face and how to facilitate these conversations with students.

본 연구는 지금까지 7차례의 지방선거 결과의 논의가 주로 특정 시기에 실시된 전국적 투표행태에 초점을 두고 있다는 문제의식에서 출발하였다. 지방선거는 유권자가 대표자 를 선출하여 지방정부를 구성함으로써 지방자치를 제대로 구현하는데 있다. 그렇다면 지 역적 특수성에 기반 한 특정 지역선거의 결과에 나타나고 있는 투표의 정향성을 분석해 보는 것은 중요하다. 이에 따라 강원도의 6·4지방선거와 6·13지방선거의 결과에 기초한 투표과정 및 투표결과의 정당별 분석뿐만 아니라 주민의 대표성을 파악하기 위한 단체장 과 지방의원의 배경적 특성을 비교분석 후, 그 드러난 문제의 함의와 과제를 제시해 보 았다. 분석결과, 지금까지 정당의 기반이 미약한 강원도는 중앙정치 영향 속에 반복적 투 표행태를 보이면서 새로운 정치지형의 변화를 가져오고 있다. 역대 선거 중 투표율이 가 장 높은 가운데, 20대-30대의 투표율 하락, 도저촌고의 재현, 지역의 과소대표 현실, 지역 대표자들의 세대교체를 비롯해 1당 독점적 지방정부 형태를 보이고 있다. 특히 단체장과 지방의회 그리고 국회의원간의 서로 다른 소속정당의 동거체제로 구성된 복잡한 구도는 향후 강원도 지방정치와 한국 지방선거에 시사점을 주기에 충분하다. 아울러 선거결과를 기초로 선거제 보완 및 자치계층의 다양화, 도내 지역간 및 기관간 갈등 극복, 지방정부 의 광역문제 해결, 지방의회의 통제기능, 정보공개 강화 및 여성정치의 참여 확대 등에 대한 과제를 제언하였다.So far, seven local elections have focused on a nationwide election analysis. Local elections are about the realization of local autonomy by voters selecting representatives to form local governments. Local elections are a key factor affecting the representation and operation of local governments. Therefore, it is important to analyze the orientation of certain local votes based on regional specificity. This study is a comparative analysis of the June 4 local elections and the June 13 local elections in Gangwon Province. And I presented the problems and challenges that appeared in the election results. According to the analysis, Gangwon Province brought about a new political landscape with a weak base for a particular political party. The features of this election are as follows: the highest voter turnout of all elections. And it brought about a drop in voter turnout in people in their 20s and 30s, a repeat of Cities are low and rural is a high voting phenomenon. regional under representations and a generational shift in regional representatives. It also sees the form of a one-party exclusive local government. In particular, the head of a local government, local councils and member of the National Assembly are cohabitation systems of other parties. The complex structure gives many implications for future local politics in Gangwon Province and local elections in South Korea. Therefore, based on the results of the election, the following tasks were presented: They include supplementing the election system, diversifying the self-governing class, overcoming regional and institutional conflicts, resolving the wide-area issue of local governments, controlling functions of local councils, strengthening the disclosure of information and expanding participation of women s politics.

본 연구는 18대-20대 국회의원 선거의 다문화 매니페스토 자료를 분석하여 한국 정치가 다문화 사회로의 변화에 반응하는 정도를 측정하고자 하였다. 연구 결과를 요약하자면, 한국 선거정치에서의 다문화 반응성은 어느 정도 발견되나 아직은 초보적인 단계에 머물러 있다는 것이다. 외국인 노동자와 결혼 이주여성이 많이 거주하는 소위 다문화 지역에 출마한 후보자들은 나름의 다문화 매니페스토를 제시하는 모습을 보였으며 18대부터 20대 총선에 이르기 까지 양적으로 꾸준히 증가하는 추세를 보였다. 또한 공약의 내용에 있어서도 최근에 오면서 더욱 다채롭고 풍부한 다문화 공약이 제시되고 있는 모습을 보인다. 그럼에도 불구하고 본 연구가 외국인 노동자와 결혼이주자 인구가 많이 거주하는 20대 지역만을 대상으로 분석을 한정하였음에도 공약의 전체 숫자가 그렇게 많지 않았다는 한계를 발견하였다. 또한 공약이 제시하고 있는 내용과 관련해서도, 18대 총선과 비교했을 때 19대, 20대 총선에서는 보다 다양한 형태의 지원과 복지를 약속하는 다문화 공약들이 많이 제시되는 모습을 보였다. 그러나 많은 공약들이 다문화인들에 대한 시혜적 성격의 정책을 약속하는 모습을 보였다는 점에서 현재 한국 선거정치에서의 다문화 반응성은 높아지고 있으나 아직은 여러 가지 한계를 갖고 있다는 것이 본 연구의 분석 결과이다.

법률도출을 중심으로 국회의 생산성에 대해 분석하였다. 역대 국회별 법률안 채택을 초대국회부터 19대 국회까지 회기별로 묶어 정리하고 법률도출의 효율성을 계량적으로 분석· 비교하였다. 최근으로 올수록 제출법률안의 수는 늘었기에 국회 법률도출의 전반적인 노력은 증가하였다. 하지만, 의원참여시간 대비 향상되지 않아 법률도출의 생산성은 과거보다오히려 낮아지는 추세이다. 역대 국회 중 법률도출의 생산성이 가장 높은 최적규모의 국회를 찾기 위해 자료포락분석 기법을 활용하였다. 법률도출의 질적인 차이를 고려하여 법률안 채택비율과 채택건수를산출변수로 활용하였다. 전반적으로 국회효율성은 8대 국회 이후부터 기술효율성과 순기술효율성이 모두 높아지는 가운데, 가장 효율적인 역대국회는 제16대 국회로 분석된다. 해당 국회에서 약 1,000개에 육박하는 법률을 도출하였는데, 국회의원 수를 기준으로 보면인원수는 중간 수준이며, 개원일수는 상대적으로 길고, 특별법률안을 많이 제안한 특징이있다. 따라서 ‘일 잘하는 국회’는 의원 수가 많은 국회가 아니라 개원일수를 늘여 ‘일 많이하는 국회’인 것으로 분석된다.

상해시기 대한민국임시정부의 임시의정원은 헌법제정회의로서 대한민국임시정부 헌법을 제정하고 정부를 수립함으로써 대한제국에서 대한민국으로 전환하는 데에 핵심적인 역할을 수행하였다. 헌법상 임시의정원은 그 정당성의 근원인 대의기관이자 입법기관인 의회로서 행정부인 임시정부의 구성권과 함께 헌법개정권 및 법률안의결권 등 많은 권한을 가지고 있었다.BR 그러나 대한민국임시정부 자체의 취약점과 그로 인한 의원충원의 어려움 등으로 상당기간 임시의정원은 회의 자체의 소집도 쉽지 않았고 전체적으로 적극적인 역할을 수행하기에는 한계가 있었다. 기본적으로 대한민국임시정부가 독립운동기관으로서 비상시기의 과도정부였던 점에서, 실질적인 권력은 행정부인 임시정부에게 집중되었고 임시의정원의 입법권과 정부 통제 역할은 제대로 수행되지 못하였다. 또한 해외에 소재한 정부로서 의원 선출이 불가피하게 독립운동가들, 특히 상해 지역을 중심으로 하는 한정된 인원들이 주로 참여하여 과대 대표되는 형태로 이루어지는 문제는 해결되기 어려웠다.

이 본 연구는 한국 대통령제 하에서 국회의원과 국무위원 겸직을 허용하는 제도가 가지는 문제를 비판적으로 검토하고 그 대안을 모색하는 것을 목적으로 한다. 이를 위하여 권력융합적 성격을 가지는 국회의원의 국무위원 겸직제도가 권력분립 원리와 민주적 정통성의 이원화를 바탕으로 하는 대통령제의 기본 원리들과 충돌할 수 있음을 지적하고, 주요 해외 국가들의 사례와 비교 검토한다. 이후 한국에서 국회의원의 국무위원 겸직제도가 형성되고 변화되어온 역사와 과정을 살펴보고, 민주화 이후 1993년 김영삼 정부에서부터 2017년 박근혜 정부까지 5개 정부의 국회의원과 국무위원 겸직 현황을 분석하여 그 특징을 살펴본다. 이를 바탕으로 국회의원의 국무위원 겸직제도가 가지는 문제를 진단하고 제도적 대안을 모색한다.

본 논문은 2016년 국회의원선거 당시 실시된 설문조사 자료를 사용하여, 한국 유권자들 이에서 나타나는 당파적 양극화 — 지지 정당에 대한 호감과 상대 정당에 대한 호감 사이의 이 — 에 어떤 요인이 영향을 끼치는지 실증적으로 분석한다. 분석결과에 따르면 유권자의 당일체감 및 이념성향과 같은 정치적 정체성, 쟁점선호의 일관성과 강도, 그리고 정치적 세련도 등이 한국 유권자의 정서적 양극화에 유의미한 영향을 끼치지만, 각 요인들은 서로 다른 메커니즘을 통해 정서적 양극화에 기여하는 것으로 드러났다. 보다 구체적으로 정치적 정체성의 강도는 지지하는 정당에 대한 호감에만 영향을 끼치는 데 반해서 쟁점선호와 정치적 세련도는 지지하지 않는 정당에 대한 반감에 영향을 주는 것으로 나타났다. 결과적으로 본 연구는 한국 유권자의 당파적 양극화가 가지고 있는 이원적 구조에 대한 분석을 바탕으로 한국 유권자들이 가지고 있는 정당 태도를 이해하기 위한 흥미로운 함의를 제공하고 있다.

“다수다수결 민주주의”의 한국정치는 ‘독점의 정치’다. 독점의 정치는 선거제도와 정당집단주의 때문에 가능한데 당론투표의 정당집단주의 또한 선거제도의 영향이 결정적이다. 현행 국회의원 선거제도는 비례성 강화의 요구에 직면하여 “준연동형 비례대표제”가 국회에서 논의되는 상황이다. 하지만 선거제도는 선거제도에 따라 나타나는 또는 나타날 수 있는 국회 내 다당제 경향과 정부형태가 어떻게 조합되느냐에 따라 다양한 모습을 띤다. 즉 정부형태가 대통령제 방향에 가까운지, 내각제에 가까운지 아니면 대통령제와 내각제 사이에 있는지에 따라 혼합형 선거제도의 구체적 내용-연동형 vs. 병립형, 지역구 vs. 비례대표 비중, 비례대표의 전국단위 vs. 권역단위 선출 그리고 의원 정수를 달리하게 된다. 국회 내 정당 파편화와 이에 따른 다당제 현상은 일시적이며 결국 대선을 중심으로 양당제 경향 또는 양대 블록화(化) 현상이 나타날 가능성이 높다. 따라서 한국형 선거제도의 비례성 강화는 총리제의 내각제적 요소를 가진 우리나라 대통령제의 특성과 함께 논의되어 협치와 문제해결의 정치에 기여해야 할 것이다.

Abstract In this article, we show that the Dokdo/Takeshima islands issue has become a cultural phenomenon in South Korea, in which the popular desire for national pride has increasingly been intertwined with the government’s efforts for promoting its policy position vis-à-vis Japan. We argue that narratives on Dokdo – created in and through activities in the realms of education, media, and civil society activism – are designed to enhance South Korean territorial sovereignty over the islands. In the process, however, Dokdo has become a symbol of Korean identity or “Koreanness,” as the public, teachers, students, and activists have all engaged in meaning-making activities surrounding the islands. This phenomenon has become salient, in part because these actors sought to respond to Japan’s own activities, including the designation of “Takeshima Day” in 2005. As part of a grassroots movement, their strategy of creating everyday symbols over the islands not just expressed, but also reproduced Korean national identity.

What explains the success of the upstart People’s Party in the 2016 Korean National Assembly election? Through preelection survey data, this article first identifies the demographic factors corresponding with support for the People’s Party and how this differs from preexisting parties. Next, it elaborates on how the two‐vote electoral system may have benefitted the People’s Party by encouraging voters to cast a party list vote for the party while casting a district vote for one of the larger parties, consistent with strategic voting. Further analysis shows that People’s Party supporters that intended to vote for their party’s district candidate, and thus cast a sincere rather than strategic district vote, were less likely than other partisans to split their votes across two parties.

Park Guen Hye’s Trustpolitik was a bold initiative that seeks to improve relations with North Korea. It was a policy departure from the flawed strategies of her predecessors who were either too lenient or hardline towards Pyongyang. However, the fact that the trust-based policy was a conditional form of engagement meant that the North Korean leadership had a little incentive in supporting the policy. Given that Seoul and Washington wanted Pyongyang to denuclearize as a sine qua non for reciprocal concessions, the Trustpolitik failed to induce any significant progress in inter-Korean relations. Kim Jong Un’s adoption of the Byungjin policy, which envisioned parallel undertaking of the North Korean nuclear program alongside economic reforms, pointed to the ominous scenario that he had no interest in accommodating Park’s Trustpolitik. Further, South Korean domestic response to Truspolitik was also far from positive, especially when Park’s conservative Saenuri Party failed to obtain a majority in the 2016 parliamentary elections and after a legislative impeachment vote in 2017 which removed Park Guen Hye from the Blue House.

As Kim Jong Un approaches the seventh anniversary of his coming to power he has pushed the military back. The modified Constitution adopted in 2016 saw the demotion of the National Defense Council in favor of a new State Affairs Council which was a more party and government dominated body. He has put his own men and women into positions of authority. Sanctions are an irritant yet are already weakening as a result of first ever meeting between a DPRK leader and a U.S. president took place in June of Singapore, as well as a string of North-South meetings covered issues such as family reunions and railway and road connections. Military talks also ed to the demilitarization of Panmunjom. Since then Japan wants to talk and even the Pope may visit. This second edition of Historical Dictionary of Democratic People's Republic of Korea contains a chronology, an introduction, and an extensive bibliography. The dictionary section has over 400 cross-referenced entries on important personalities, politics, economy, foreign relations, religion, and culture. This book is an excellent resource for students, researchers, and anyone wanting to know more about Democratic People's Republic of Korea.

This study aims to explain what facilitates presidential impeachment in Korea. More specifically, it compares the impeachment of President Park Geun-hye with the case of former president Roh Moo-hyun, and examines how citizens reshaped the power relationship between the ruling and opposition parties, and, finally, led to the impeachment of the president. This study claims that presidential impeachment is a political punishment of citizens and that a legislative shield or a judiciary shield is not sufficient to protect presidents from impeachment when most citizens turn their backs against the incumbent president. Generating strong and widespread public support or resistance is the most critical determinant of the success or failure of an attempt to impeach a president, especially in those new democracies where party systems are less stable and political parties are less cohesive.

한국 선거에서 경제투표는 왜 잘 발견되지 않는가? 이 문제에 답하기 위해 본 연구는 비교국가사례로서의 이론적 보편성과 한국정치적 맥락에 따른 특수성을 고려하여 경제투표이론의 한국적 적용을 위한 몇 가지 질문을 던지고, 한국종합사회조사 누적자료를 사용하여 이에 대한 경험적 근거를 제시한다. 첫째, 한국은 정당정치 역사가 상대적으로 짧고 이로 인해 정당의 지지기반이 약한 편이다. 이런 정당 지지기반의 취약성이 경제투표적용을 제한할 이론적 가능성을 논한 후, 이를 검증하기 위해 지지 정당 여부와 경제투표 간 상호작용효과를 확인하였다. 경험 분석 결과, 지지 정당이 있는 응답자일수록 사회공동체적 회고투표를 하는 반면, 무당파일수록 사회공동체적 전망투표를 할 확률이 높음을 확인하였다. 둘째, 최근 한국의 세대정치이론을 경제투표에 적용하여, 20~30대 청년세대가 장년층과 달리, 국가의 경제 상황에 대한 평가에 기반하여 집권당에 투표할 확률이 높음을 확인했다. 마지막으로 경제투표에 영향을 미칠 가설들로 신자유주의적 개혁에 의해 피해를 볼 확률이 높은 취약계층이 경제투표를 할 가능성과 지역주의가 경제투표작동을 방해하고 있을 가능성을 이론적으로 검토해보았으나, 이러한 가설들을 지지할 경험적 근거는 발견되지 않았다.

이 논문은 제19대 국회에서 논의되었던 정당경선 법제화 논의를 중심으로 바람직한 공 천 방향을 제시하는 것을 목적으로 한다. 공천은 정당의 가장 중요한 기능 가운데 하나이 며, 1954년 제3대 국회의원선거에서 정당공천이 도입된 이후 선거 때마다 각 정당의 후보 자 추천 과정은 중요한 이슈였다. 하지만 공천과정에서 나타나는 공천헌금 논란이나 공정 성과 투명성 부족에 대한 비판으로 인해 완전국민경선제 등 공천권을 유권자에게 돌려주 는 방식이 대안으로 제시되고 있다. 본문에서는 국회의원선거를 중심으로 정당공천의 제도화 과정을 역사적으로 살펴본 뒤 제19대 국회에서 논의된 정당경선 법제화 방안을 검토하여 시사점을 모색한다. 한국의 정 당공천은 정당 지도부에서 일방적으로 결정하던 하향식 방식에서 당원, 대의원 혹은 일반 유권자를 참여시키는 상향식 방식으로 변화되어왔다. 이는 정당 운영방식이 민주화되면서 공천방식도 개방성이 확대되는 방향으로 전환되었음을 보여준다. 하지만 완전국민경선제 의 도입과 같이 개방성을 극대화하는 것이 바람직한 것인지에 대해서는 좀 더 깊은 논의가 필요하다. 공천과정의 개방성과 민주성이 정당의 책임성이나 자율성과 충돌하는 측면이 있기 때문이다.

Abstract The absence of class voting or the existence of “reverse” class voting under rising inequality remains a puzzling question in South Korea. While poor voters seem to support conservative candidates more than the rich do, this is due to a confounding effect of age, because poverty is concentrated among the elderly in Korea. Using the Korean General Social Survey data (KGSS 2004–2014) covering two presidential elections, two general legislative elections, and two nationwide local elections, we find that Koreans, in particular the poor electorate, engage in class voting in both objective and subjective terms. While regional and generational cleavages continue to be the most important determinants of partisan competition, class by income levels as well as subjective identity significantly impact vote choice when age is adequately controlled for.

Abstract This study addresses the question of why so many of the world's legislators are lawyers or law graduates. Drawing from previous studies on lawyer-legislators and electoral systems, it develops the argument that ‘first-pass-the-post’ single-member district electoral systems presume a principal-agent logic of representation and are therefore conducive to political parties selecting representatives with either occupational experience or educational training in the field of law. By contrast, proportional representation (PR) elections presume a microcosm model of representation incentivizing parties to select candidates representing diverse demographic and occupational backgrounds. This conjecture is tested by examining legislator backgrounds in three large parliaments with mixed electoral systems: Germany, Japan, and South Korea. As expected, single-member plurality elections are linked to a greater share of lawyers and law graduates in parliaments compared to those elected via PR even after controlling for several alternative explanations.

Studies suggest that rainfall on an election day benefits the Republican Party in the United States and conservative parties in Western Europe. A common explanation is that marginal voters, whose turnout decisions can be affected by weather conditions, are more likely to be supporters of liberal parties. This paper shows that bad weather on an election day instead benefits the liberal parties in South Korea, where election days are designated as special holidays. Young voters, who tend to prefer liberal parties, often plan other activities whose feasibility is contingent on good weather conditions; as a result, they are more likely to turn out, and thus to provide additional electoral support to liberal parties, when weather is bad.

2004년 국회는 현직의원과 중앙당의 영향력을 축소시켜 당내민주주의와 정책정당화를 구현하겠다는 명분으로 지구당 폐지를 단행하였다. 이 연구는 지구당 폐지 이후로 과연 당 내 민주주의에 변화가 있었는지를 살펴보기 위해서 정당의 의사결정에 대한 원내𐤟외 정당 지도부의 제도적 권한과 영향력을 분석하는 것을 목적으로 한다. 연구대상은 제19대 국회 의 양대정당인 새누리당과 민주통합당이며, 연구방법은 양당의 당헌당규 분석 및 양당의원 의 입법활동 분석이다. 분석결과, 정당의 대의기관 구성, 정책연구소의 운영, 공직선거 후 보자 선출 등에서 원외지도부, 특히 당대표의 영향력이 막강한 것으로 나타났다. 제19대 총선에서 양당 모두 후보자 공천방식이 경선보다는 후보자를 지명하거나 임명하는 전략공 천이 지배적이었고, 원외정당지도부 중 3분의 2 이상이 제20대 총선에서 재공천을 받은 것 으로 나타났다. 반면 원외정당 지도부는 원내 입법활동에서는 일반의원보다도 소극적이었 다. 법안발의뿐만 아니라 대안반영폐기나 법안가결 등 입법활동의 측면에서 원내지도부의 영향력은 지배적이었던 반면, 원외지도부는 일반의원들에도 훨씬 못미치는 입법성과를 나 타냈다. 이 같은 분석결과는 2004년 지구당 폐지 당시의 기대와는 달리, 원내・외를 막론 하고 정당지도부의 영향력은 여전히 막강함을 의미한다.

This study explores those factors that induce policy innovation among Korean local governments after democratization. While centralism in South Korea prevailed over community democracy after democratization in 1987, since the first local elections in 1995, Korean local governments have experienced a smooth democratic transition and the consolidation of democracy. We attempt to introduce a synthetic application of fuzzy set Qualitative Comparative Analysis (fsQCA) and event history analysis (EHA) to the actual process for policy decision in policy innovation of police system in Korean local government. This paper collects massive descriptive data derived from police related ordinance diffusion across Korean local governments 2002 to 2012 in order to identify various causal conditions of policy innovation and illustrate synthesis of qualitative and quantitative findings. Our empirical results show that top-down policymaking in the central government still influences the adoption of innovation by Korean local governments and that the emergence of innovation in local governments involving policy competition and bandwagon effects has a significant impact on neighboring local governments.

본 연구는 한국의 정당법과 공직선거법, 정치자금법 등을 포괄하는 정치관계법이 정당체제의 제도화에 어떠한 영향을 미치는지 분석하려 한다. 정당뿐 아니라 여러 정당으로 구성된 정당체제는 한 국가의 민주주의체제를 구성하는 중요한 요소 중 하나이다. 정당체제의 제도화 수준이 높은 민주주의체제는 그 구성원인 국민이 선거의 핵심기능인 민주적 책임성과 대표성을 이해하고 실행하는데 도움을 준다. 제도화된 정당체제는 선거가 초래하는 불확실성을 최소화하고 대표성 있는 정치지도자와 선호하는 정당이나 정치인에게 투표하는 유권자 사이를 유기적으로 연결시켜 주기 때문에, 민주주의가 지속적으로 발전하는데 중요한 기반이 된다. 우리 정치관계법의 궁극적 목적은 국민의 정치적 의사형성에 참여하는데 필요한 조직을 확보하고 정당의 민주적인 조직과 활동을 보장함으로써 민주주의 공고화에 기여하도록 하는 것이다. 그럼에도 불구하고, 현행 정당법과 공직선거법, 정치자금법이 포함하고 있는 규정들은 오히려 국민의 정치참여를 제한하고 정당 설립도 어렵게 하는 등 정당체제의 제도화를 어렵게 만들고 있다. 정당체제의 제도화를 이루기 위해서는 정치관계법의 개선을 통해 평등한 경쟁적 정당관계를 이룰 수 있도록 유도해야 하며, 개별 정당은 내부적으로 당내민주주의를 정착할 수 있도록 규정해야 한다.

Abstract The common assumption of legislative politics is that the majority party structures procedural rules to suit its interests. In a presidentialized context, however, presidential electoral incentives prevail over majority party's incentives when voting on procedural rules changes and the threat of punishing majority-party defectors is not credible when those defectors vote with the presidential candidate. To test these claims, I analyze the case of the procedural reform in the South Korean National Assembly. The case study reveals that 1) the leading presidential candidate of the ruling majority Saenuri Party compromised on the procedural reform bill that imposes restrictions on the majority party's cartel arrangement due to presidential electoral incentives; 2) a significant number of Saenuri Party members defected from the majority of their co-partisans to vote with the presidential candidate; and 3) career advancement ratio and re-nomination ratios demonstrate that those defectors were not punished afterwards.

의원들의 이념은 당론이탈 투표에 어떠한 영향을 미치는가? 기존 연구들은 좌-우 이념성향, 이념의 강도, 정당과의 이념적 거리라는 서로 다른 이념 변수들로 당론이탈 투표율에미치는 효과를 추정해왔다. 이렇게 상이한 이념 변수의 측정은 이념과 당론이탈 투표와의관계를 효과적으로 논의하기 어렵게 만든다. 본 연구는 20대 국회 전반기에 표결된 모든안건들을 수집하여 당론이탈 투표율을 측정한 뒤, 이에 영향을 미치는 이념 변수들의 효과를 비교분석 한다. 분석 결과는 다음과 같다. 첫째, 소속 정당과의 관계를 고려하지 않은좌-우 이념성향은 당론이탈 투표 모형에서 적절하지 않다. 둘째, 이념의 강도와 정당과의이념거리는 당론이탈 투표 모형에서 중요한 변수로 작용하며 두 변수는 이념성향보다 당론이탈 투표에 대한 설명력이 높다. 셋째, 당론이탈 투표율에 유의미한 영향을 미친다고알려진 경선의 효과는 이념의 강도와 정당의 이념거리가 포함된 모형에서 통계적 유의성이사라졌다. 본 연구는 의원들의 당론이탈 투표에 영향을 미치는 변수들의 영향력을 보다 정확하게 추정하기 위해서 적절한 이념변수를 고려할 필요성이 있다는 점을 제시한다.

The year 2015 featured real and metaphorical battles in South Korea: face-offs between the executive and the legislature saw President Park Geun-hye duel with the non-Park faction in the ruling Saenuri Party and fend off the opposition, whose alliance struggled with infighting and subsequent fractures. The government waged war against a health epidemic and exchanged artillery fire with North Korea at the Demilitarized Zone. The by-elections in April 2015 augur the political stage for pending elections in 2016 and 2017.

Abstract North Korea is a unique regime that has not followed the ‘mono-transition’ path (economic reform under modified one-party rule) of other surviving communist regimes (China, Vietnam, Cuba) in the post-Cold War era. Debates over North Korea's unique features (reluctance in economic reform, absence of political modification, international troublemaking) have generated two contending interpretations. The mainstream interpretation attributes North Korea's uniqueness to its regime's highly rigid political system (‘monolithic leadership system’). For the alternative interpretation, structural pressures and political calculus have driven the monolithic regime towards economic reform (‘marketization from above’), making it more convergent with the ‘mono-transition’ regimes, at least in the economic aspect. In support of the latter interpretation, this article will delve further into three contentious issues that represent the most common doubts about the advance of marketization in North Korea. First, how can the regime reconcile marketization with the interests of its ‘core constituencies’? Second, since ‘crony socialism’ exists, how does it influence distribution and productive activity? Third, how does marketization advance in view of the persistence of monolithic rule? In so doing, it will show how the sources of economic reform (structural factors and political calculus) have enabled the marketization constraints to be overcome.

The article mainly seeks to explain the legislature’s preferences in social welfare before and after democratization using South Korea as a case study. Based on an original dataset that consists of all executive and of legislative branch-submitted bills between 1948 and 2016 – roughly 60,000– legislative priority on social welfare is compared over time, and tested using logistic regressions. The key focus of analysis is whether and how the level of democracy affected the degree and universality of social welfare priority. The findings show that the promotion of social welfare is positively related to higher levels of democracy in a continuous fashion, which clearly points to the need to avoid applying a simple regime dichotomy – authoritarian or democratic – when seeking to understand social welfare development. Going further, the article examines the legislature's priority in welfare issues within a presidential structure and under majoritarian electoral rule, at different levels of democracy. The result shows that the higher levels of democracy are, the more the legislative branch contributes to the overall salience of social welfare legislative initiatives as compared to the executive branch. Moreover, the legislative branch itself prioritizes a social welfare agenda – alongside democratic deepening – over other issues.

The political turmoil prompted by the corruption scandal surrounding president Park Geun-hye and her confidante, Choi Soon-sil, convulsed South Korea in the winter of 2016/17. Park’s response was not only ineffective, but inflammatory. Intense public frustration, together with mounting circumstantial evidence, led to an impeachment process. Thus Park became the first democratically elected president to be removed. Political corruption is not new in South Korea. Yet, no previous case matches the magnitude of the Park debacle and no former president has had to sacrifice their term in office. This raises a key question: what is it that made this scandal so different? This article argues that the debate has so far paid insufficient attention to the role of the South Korean political system in explaining Park’s impeachment. The government party was the largest in the National Assembly and thus able to stop the impeachment process, but failed to do so. The article unpacks the political unrest of 2016/17 by analysing South Korean party politics, focussing specifically on the electoral structure that had been established in the post-1987 democratic era and the subsequent changes that conditioned and facilitated the political downfall of Park Geun-hye.

전국동시지방선거로 치러지는 현행 교육감 선거에는 정당의 관여가 법으로 금지되어 있다. 교육에 대한 정치적 중립성 가치에 기초하여 정당은 교육감 후보를 추천할 수 없고, 교육감 후보자 역시 특정 정당과 정책적으로 공조관계임을 표방해서는 안 된다. 하지만 정당 배제의 원칙을 적용받는 교육감 선거에 실제로 정당효과가 발생하지 않는지 살펴볼 필요가 있다. 본 연구는 최근 두 차례의 전국동시지방선거로 치러진 2014년 및 2018년 교육감 선거결과를 토대로 교육감 후보자의 당선경쟁력 결정요인을 분석하였다. 분석 결과, 교육감 후보자의 당선경쟁력은 정당과 연계된 정치진영 역동에 의해 크게 좌우된 것으로 관찰되었다. 교육감 후보자 가운데 시·도지사 당선자의 소속 정당과 정치적 진영이 일치하는 교육감 후보자가 그렇지 않은 후보자에 비해 당선경쟁력이 뚜렷하게 높았다. 또한 동일한 정치진영의 후보자가 함께 경쟁할 경우 이는 후보자의 당선경쟁력을 크게 낮추는 효과가 있었다. 이러한 분석 결과는 교육감 선거에서 사실상 정당효과가 작동하고 있을 개연성을 시사한다. 교육감 후보자에 대한 정당 공천은 이루어지지 않지만, 그것이 정당효과를 제거하지는 못하는 것으로 보인다.

Abstract Vernacular Korean letters were exchanged routinely in the royal and elite families of Chosŏn Korea (1392–1910), and women were at least on one side of a letter’s itinerary. While male-centered literary Chinese learning held highest prestige, the patriarchal families of the time cherished their private archives, in which vernacular letters were sentimental mementos, testaments of women’s learning, and status symbols. This familial epistolary archive received varying elaborations as it transitioned into museums and departments of national literature in South Korea. While elite vernacular epistolary style (naeganch’e) embodies the core of tradition and national literature for such colonial-era intellectuals as Yi Pyŏnggi (1891–1968) and Yi T’aejun (1904–?), the anticolonial and antifeudal current of the post-1945 South Korean scholarship overlooks the elite tradition. This explains the persistent invisibility of women-centered elite vernacular culture in the contemporary scholarship of Chosŏn Korea. Developing the notion of itinerary—the transition, appropriation, and recoding of elite vernacular letters—this article ponders the implication of archival practices upon the study of the past, and highlights the knowledge systems that determined the visibility and meaning of elite vernacular culture in Korea’s modern era.

국제규범을 국내법으로 이행 입법한다는 것은 국제규범을 국내법 체계 안에서 규정하고 동시에 다른 국내법과 동일하게 법적 구속을 받겠다는 것을 의미한다. 국가가 이렇게 ‘이중구속’ 구조를 선택하는 이유는 무엇인가? 특히, 국제규범의 국내 입법 과정에서 NGO의 역할은 무엇인가? 본 연구는 이 질문에 대한 답으로 NGO의 역할과 그 영향력에 주목하였으며, ‘난민보호’ 라는 국제규범을 국내법으로 이행 입법한 한국의 단일 난민법 제정사례를 살펴보았다. NGO의 영향력이 발휘되는 요인들을 크게 정치적 기회와 NGO운동역량으로 나누어 각각의 작용들을 확인하였다. 특히 표면화하기 어려운 NGO의 영향력을 분석하기 위해 인터뷰와 함께 반대상황을 가정하는 사후가정사고(counterfactual thinking)를 진행하였다. 그 결과 난민NGO들이 단일 난민법 제정의 필요성에 대한 아이디어와 법안 초안을 최초로 제안하였고 국회 내 영향력 있는 지지자를 확보하여 로비활동을 한 것이 결정적 요인으로 작용했음을 확인할 수 있었다. 이를 통해 본 연구는 국가가 자기 구속적 선택을 하도록 만드는 NGO의 영향력을 경험적으로 확인하였다.

본 연구는 정당일체감이 한국 사회에서 빈번히 발생하는 정당의 명칭변경에 대한 유권자의 인식에 미치는 영향력을 분석한다. 특히 정당일체감과 명칭변경 전후의 정당에 대한 유권자 인식 간의 내생성을 반복모형(recursive model)에 반영하고 경험적으로 검증한다.\n2017년 대통령 선거 직전에 이루어진 설문조사 자료를 활용한 분석결과는 더불어민주당에 대한 정당일체감이 명칭변경 이전의 새정치민주연합과 더불어민주당을 동일한 또는 상이한 정당으로 인식하는 데 유의미한 영향력을 미치지 않는 것으로 나타났다. 이는 한국 유권자의 정당일체감이 서구와 달리 특정 정당에 대해 일관되고 지속적인 평가를 위한 기제로 작용하지 않을 가능성을 제기한다. 또한 한국 정당들의 빈번한 명칭변경이 정당일체감의 안정적 유지를 방해하는 부정적 요인이 될 수 있음을 함의한다.\n\nThis article analyzes the impact of the party identification on how voters perceive party label change. In particular, it considers the potential endogeneity problem existing between the party identification and voters perception on party label change. Relying on a recursive bivariate probit model to deal with the endogeneity problem, it analyzes how the party identification to the Minju party affects the voters evaluation on the difference between the New Politics Alliance for Democracy and the Minju party.\nResults show that party identification to the Minju party does not have a significant impact on the development of voters perception on the differences between the two parties. This suggests that party identification in Korea might not be stable enough to develop a consistent understanding of political parties. It also implies that Korean political parties whose labels have been frequently changed over time might prevent the development of stable party identification among Korean voters.

상임위의 법안 심사와 예산 심의 기능은 이 조직의 고유한 속성으로서 상임위 유형화를 위한 하나의 기준점을 제공한다. 본 연구는 상임위의 `지역 예산`과 상임위의 `정책 관할권(jurisdiction)`을 기준으로 새로운 유형화를 시도한다. 즉 `특정 상임위에서 감시하는 정부 부처의 지역 사업 예산이 얼마나 많은가`와 `특정 상임위에서 감시하는 정부 부처의 정책 소관 범위가 얼마나 큰가`는 상임위라는 조직 내부에서 활동하게 될 합리적 행위자인 의원 개인들을 끌어들이는 중요한 매력 요인(attraction factor)이 될 수 있다.BR 분석 결과, 크레딧 유형에서는 지역 개발에 관한 업적 과시 동기가 강한 의원들로 간주되는 의원들, 예컨대 주로 농어업 인구가 많은 지역의 비수도권 지역구 의원들이 많이 유인되었다. 다음 포지션 유형에서는 지역에 관한 이해관계가 부재한 비례대표 의원들이 많이 유인되었으며 상임위와 관련된 전문 경력을 갖춘 전문가들이 많았다. 한편, 상임위 지역 예산과 정책 관할권 두 요인이 모두 충족되는 크레딧-포지션 유형에서는 크레딧 유형과 포지션 유형의 특징들이 혼재되어 나타났다. 이 유형의 상임위는 지역 개발 이슈가 중요한 지방 의원들과, 그보다 자신의 정책 입장을 표명하는 게 더 유리한 수도권 의원들, 그리고 비례대표 의원들을 모두 유인하는 복합적인 성격의 인기 상임위였다. 마지막으로 상임위의 지역 예산과 상임위의 정책 소관 두 유인 요인이 모두 결핍되어 있는 레토릭 유형의 경우 상임위의 취약한 정부 견제력으로 인해 지역에 이해관계가 부재한 비례대표 의원들이나 원외 정무 활동에 더 많은 자원을 할애해야 하는 당내 지도부급 의원들이 주로 소속되는 것으로 나타났다.

이 논문은 유가(儒家)의 자연법사상(自然法思想)이 대한민국의 최고 기본법이자 최고 규범인 헌법(憲法)에 어떠한 내용과 의미로 전승되어 오고 있으며, 이러한 유가사상이 오늘날에 있어 어떠한 과제를 우리에게 제시하고 있는 것인지를 살펴보기 위한 글이다. 유가사상 특히 민본(民本), 예치(禮治), 덕치(德治) 및 친친주의(親親主義)로 대표되는 선진유가의 자연법사상이 오늘날에 있어서는 그 영향력이 현저히 감소하였으나, 여전히 우리 민족의 의식 속에 하나의 윤리규범 내지 미풍양속으로서의 위치를 차지하고 있으며, 대한민국 현행 법령에 있어서도 다양한 형태로 전승되어 오고 있어, 실제 규범으로서의 법집행력도 일정 부분 가지고 있다. 즉 대한민국의 최고 기본법인 헌법을 위시하여 민법을 비롯한 민사법령 그리고 형법을 비롯한 형사법령에 유가 법사상을 반영한 입법 규정들이 산재해 있으며, 법원 및 헌법재판소의 판례나 결정 등을 통해 유가사상이 재해석되어 전승되어 오고 있는 것이다. 유가의 법사상은 헌법 명문규정으로는 헌법 전문(前文)과 본문(本文) 제9조 등에 규정된 ‘전통(傳統)’, ‘전통문화(傳統文化)’의 내포개념으로 전승되어 오는 한편, 헌법재판소의 위헌법률제청사건 및 위헌소원사건 등에 대한 결정을 통하여 재해석되어 전승되고 있다. 헌법재판소의 재해석을 통한 전승은 크게 두 가지로 나누어 볼 수 있는데, 하나는 유가의 사상 내지윤리와 관련된 결정이며, 다른 하나는 전통문화와 관련된 결정이다. 지난 20여 년 간 헌법재판소의 판례 및 결정문을 면밀히 분석하여 검토하는 작업을 통해, 헌법재판소는 우리 사회가 유교적 전통을 받아들이고 체화(體化)시켜 일정 부분 우리의 고유한 의식으로 남아 있음을 인정하는 일관된 입장을 유지하고 있으며, 특히 가정의 영역에서는 법률보다 전통적 윤리의 역할을 더 강조하는 입장을 확인할 수 있었다. 또한 유가사상 내지 도덕관념에 터 잡은 전통문화가 어떠한 기준 하에서 우리의 고유한 전통의식 내지 도덕규범으로서 헌법적 정당성(正當性)을 갖는지 여부에 대한 중요한 기준 내지 척도를 도출해 낼 수 있었다. 헌법재판소는 헌법상 전통문화 내지 윤리로서 정당성을 인정받기 위해서는 단순히 전통문화라는 역사적 사실과 이를 계승하는 것만으로는 부족하며, 이 시대의 사회·경제적 기반에 맞아야 한다는 ‘시대적합성(時代適合性)’과 오늘날에 있어서도 보편타당한 전통윤리 내지는 도덕관념이어야 한다는 ‘현재적 보편타당성(現在的普遍妥當性)’을 양대 기준으로 천명하고 있다. 또한 이러한 ‘시대적합성’과 ‘현재적 보편타당성’은 ‘오늘날의 의미로 재해석되어 포착된 것’이어야 하며, 이를 위한 가장 중요한 척도로서 ‘헌법이념(憲法理念)과 헌법의 가치질서(價値秩序)’ 및 ‘인류(人類)의 보편가치(普遍價値), 정의(正義)와 인도정신(人道精神)’을 들고 있다. 여기서 우리는 헌법상 정당성을 가지는 전통문화의 주요한 축으로서의 유가사상 내지 유가 자연법사상의 ‘시대적합성’과 ‘현재적 보편타당성’을 확보하고 ‘헌법이념과 헌법의 가치질서’ 및 ‘인류의 보편가치, 정의와 인도정신’이라는 척도를 가지고 유가 사상을 ‘오늘날의 의미로 재해석하여 포착’하여야 한다는 새로운 과제와 임무를 부여받게 된다. 이는 현재 세계적으로 활발히 논의되고 있는 “새로운 보편윤리(the Universal Ethics)의 모색”이라는 지성사적 작업과도 연결하여 논의를 진행해볼 수 있다는 점에서 오늘날 우리에게 매우 중요한 시사를 하고 있다. 또한 현재 정치권 등에서 활발히 거론되고 있는 헌법 개정 문제와 관련하여 유가 자연법사상 중 보편적 윤리 내지 가치를 발굴하여 이를 헌법개정안에 반영시켜 나갈 것인지 여부에 대하여도 진지하고도 폭넓은 관심과 연구가 시급히 전개되어야 할 것이라고 생각한다.

국회 원구성은 정당 간 협상을 통해 이루어진다. 이 연구는 국회의장, 상임위원장 배분 결과에서 형성된 관례를 파악하는데 목적이 있다. 분석 결과 국회의장은 의석 분포가 중요해지고 원내 1당이 수임하는 추세가 정착되고 있다. 다만 과반 정당이 없는 경우는 1, 2당 이외 정당의 선택이 영향을 미칠 수 있다. 법사위원장은 여야 구분 없이 의장을 배출한 정당 이외의 정당에서 맡는 것이 확인된다. 여당이 확보하는 상임위는 운영위, 국방위, 행안위가 있으며, 외통위와 기재위, 정무위는 여당 의석수에 따라 드물게 야당이 차지하는 경우도 있다. 정당 이념과 중점 추진 정책에 따라 특정 정당이 확보하는 상임위는 발견하기 어려웠으나 이는 사례 부재의 문제로 보인다. 이 같은 연구 결과는 이후 원구성 협상 양태를 이해하는데 도움이 되고, 구성 지연 시 책임 소재를 가려 압박 여론을 형성하는데 기여할 것이다.

본 논문은 2017년 5월 9일에 있었던 제19대 대통령 선거를 마치고 실시한 ‘제19대 대통령선거 관련 유권자 의식조사’를 사용하여 유권자의 투표참여를 설명하는 다양한 관점을 비교하고 투표참여의 결정요인을 분석했다. 특히 본 논문은 다른 연구와 달리 선거당일 투표의 참여 요인과 사전투표의 참여 요인을 구분하여 분석했다. 분석결과는 다음과 같이 요약할 수 있다. 첫째, 제19대 대통령 선거에서 정당 일체감, 후보자 거리감, 시민적 의무감, 선거에 대한 관심도, 선거에 대한 정보, 투표 경험 여부 등은 유권자들이 투표참여와 기권을 결정하는데 영향을 미쳤다. 그러나 이 분석결과는 선거일 당일 투표에 참여한 유권자와 사전투표에 참여한 유권자의 결정요인을 비교할 수 없다. 둘째, 선거일 당일 투표에 참여한 유권자와 사전투표에 참여한 유권자를 각각 구분하여 분석한 결과, 시민적 의무감, 선거에 대한 관심도, 선거에 대한 정보, 과거 투표참여의 경험 여부 등은 선거일 당일 투표와 사전투표의 구분 없이 투표참여에 영향을 미쳤다. 그러나 정당 일체감, 후보자 거리감, 정부에 대한 평가의 영향력은 투표의 종류에 따라 서로 다른 결과를 나타냈다.

The cross-national comparative politics literature on authoritarian regimes has advanced rapidly in recent years, providing fresh insights into regime longevity, potential for successful democratization, and derivative policy choices. The study of North Korea’s politics has likewise advanced, albeit largely without reference to this budding literature. Given the paucity of data on North Korea, this article reviews and leverages the budding comparative literature to bring new perspectives on perennial debates on North Korean regime stability. The article argues the comparative literature fails to capture evolution in authoritarian regimes, including North Korea, suggesting areas for theoretical improvement. It documents political evolution in Kim Jong Un’s North Korea and draws upon cross-national findings to show how and why the one-party political structure, personalist elements, and hereditary succession identified in this analysis are stabilizing elements for the regime.

Abstract Performance-based retrospective voting is a fundamental mechanism of democracy. A good deal of scholarship has examined this electoral mechanism, but the extant studies have two omissions. First, there is little research that considers several retrospective evaluations together using an incumbent voting model. Second, there is little research that examines the difference in the effects of voters’ retrospective evaluations on two different ballots in mixed electoral systems. To fill these omissions, this article tests a comprehensive retrospective performance voting model in a mixed electoral system. Specifically, this article examines the effects of voters’ retrospective economic evaluations of economic performance at the national and personal levels, human rights, corruption, welfare protection, and foreign policy on vote choice for the incumbent party in the 2016 Korean legislative election in which voters had two ballots: one for the party list vote and one for the district vote. By using multinomial logistic regression models, this article finds that among the six retrospective evaluation categories, judgments of national economic performance at the national level, human rights, and foreign policy have a statistically significant impact on the likelihood of voting for the incumbent party in party list vote choice, whereas only voters’ evaluation of foreign policy matter in the district level vote decision. The results imply that Korean voters consider various aspects of government performance, such as the conditions of human rights and relationships with other countries, rather than just focusing on the economy. The retrospective voting behavior of Korean voters differs between party list and district level ballots.

Twentieth century has seen a significant number of social changes, taking in different forms of revolution, revolts and protests. Nevertheless, as the world stabilized with the termination of Cold War, contention also seemed to have died down. Dominating theories concluded with generalizations that contentions are inevitable process of social change; it comes and goes. South Korea, on the other hand, remains an anomaly due to contentious actors’ persisting influence in the society. In reality, contention does not exist in isolation from the society, but arises from the very soil of it. South Korea actors, the institutions and parties reflecting contentious identity attests its protracted existence beyond the contentious episodes. I argue that contentious politics is not an isolated event that belongs in the transitionary period, but is capable of creating a continuously interacting variable in the society. Thus, in the case of South Korea and its protracted democratization, contention needs to be understood as an organic product of South Korean history that continues to influence the contentious identity to fulfill their self-perceived historical duty of achieving a legitimate government.

How did South Korea come to adopt successful anti-corruption administrative reforms in the early 2000s which markedly improved the nation’s corruption perception and bribe survey scores? Emergent democracies generally lack the institutionalized political parties needed to push through anti-corruption policies, and Korea was no exception. While Korean civic groups took the lead against corruption, they failed to sufficiently press President Kim Young Sam, who implemented reforms which instead focused on increasing executive control over the bureaucracy. NGOs eventually succeeded by redirecting efforts towards the more accessible, newly established elected municipal governments, to introduce administrative reforms like the E-government OPEN program, which reduced uncertainty and strengthened the pro-reform political coalition, paving the way for President Kim Dae Jung’s eventual adoption of anti-corruption administrative reforms in 2000. The Korean case shows how elected local government offers civic groups an avenue through which to advance reform, offering hope to the many young democracies lacking institutionalized parties which struggle to contain corruption.

This paper examines the effects of vote quorum change upon the success of bills in the legislative procedure by utilizing the recent legislative dataset in the 18th and 19th Korean National Assembly. The 18th and 19th KNA offers a unique opportunity for testing the effects in that major rule changes have been rare in legislatures in institutionalized democracies. The results show that the institutions designed to enforce bipartisan consensus beyond partisan lines as well as ideological divides are partially effective; 1) the level of bipartisanship in bill cosponsorship is more strongly associated with the chance of bill succeeding in the plenary session in the 19th KNA; 2) a bill cosponsored with a high level of bipartisan cooperation has higher chances of passing as amended in the 19th KNA, as compared to that in the 18th KNA; and 3) while its overall effects remain strong in both KNAs, the chance of passage of a bill introduced by majority party members drops significantly in the 19th KNA.

본 연구는 19대 국회를 중심으로 국회의원의 「북한 관련 법안」 발의 요인을 분석하고자 한다. 이를 위해 한국정당학회와 SBS가 19대 총선에 출마한 후보자를 대상으로 실시한 「19대 국회의원 가치관 및 정책 노선 조사」 데이터와 의안정보시스템과 국회 홈페이지를 통해 자체적으로 수집한 자료를 분석에 활용하였다. 19대 국회에서 발의된 북한 관련 법안 건수는 총 85건이며 「북한 관련 법안」은 2012년부터 2016년 2월까지 발의된 ‘북한이탈주민’, ‘북한인권’, ‘남북교류협력’, ‘남북협력기금’, ‘남북관계’, ‘기타’ 유형의 법안을 포함하고 있다. 또한 발의에 영향을 미치는 요인을 살펴보기 위해 성별, 연령, 선수, 비례대표 여부, 이념, 외교통일위원회 소속 여부, 여야 정당 소속, 북한 관련 이슈에 대한 태도 변수가 분석에 포함되었다. 분석 결과 19대 국회에서 외교통일위원회 소속 의원일수록, 야당 소속 의원일수록, 국가보안법 개정에 반대하는 의원일수록 북한 관련 법안을 발의할 가능성이 높은 것으로 나타났다.

This study attempts to explain in what conditions political parties in Korea reshaped their old candidate selection method (CSM) and adopted open...

The aim of the article is to investigate the issue of sports diplomacy directed at political rapprochement between states in conflict, by the example of relations between North and South Korea. The research is an empirical case study and its objective is either to propose generalizations on the issue of sports diplomacy, and to find characteristics concerning the inter-Korean sports diplomacy. An attempt to test a hypothesis stating that sport can be regarded as a field that allows representatives of hostile countries to engage in a dialogue even if it would not be possible in other fields will be made. The research has proved the mentioned hypothesis to be plausible. It has been observed, that inter-Korean positive sports diplomacy has been conducted with the use of a number of methods, such as sports exchanges, negotiations concerning sports cooperation including joint participation in sports events and the use of sports events as a circumstance for arranging political talks, what appears to be distinctive for the case. Fluctuations of the intensity of sports cooperation depending on current political relations have also been observed, but on the other hand on some occasions sport allowed the two parties to foster political rapprochement. The effectiveness of sports diplomacy between North and South Korea was therefore evaluated as limited, but identifiable.

The performance of the Nigerian National Assembly in the Fourth Republic has been profoundly ambivalent and contradictory. On one hand, the assembly has passed significant constitutional amendments and electoral reforms, curbed executive abuses, and functioned as a veritable platform for interethnic negotiation and conciliation. On the other hand, the assembly has often abused or underperformed its core functions of legislation, oversight, representation, and constituency engagement, thereby attracting widespread opprobrium for its ineffectiveness, obstructiveness, venality, and impunity. This chapter discusses the assembly’s conflicted record in terms of a disjuncture between its robust empowerment under the 1999 Constitution and its undermining by the corrupt, prebendal undercurrents of Nigerian political economy. Despite the creativity and relevance of current constitutional debates for reforming and improving the legislature, the pervasive and entrenched nature of prebendal structures are likely to make legislative ambivalence a long-term feature of Nigerian governance and politics.

본 연구는 법적·규범적 시각에서 벗어나 국회를 운영하는 절차적 규칙들의 개정에 대해 의원들은 어떠한 유인에 따라 반응하며, 어떠한 조건 하에서 국회법 개정안이 본회의에서 가결될 가능성이 커지는지를 알아보고자 ‘국회선진화법’ 적용 이후 제19대 국회에서 국회법 개정안 본회의 표결을 중심으로 분석하였다. 그 결과는 다음과 같다. 첫째, 법안의 내용과는 상관없이 다수당에 가까운 정치성향을 지닐수록 표결 시 개정안에 반대하는 경향을 보였다. 세 가지 가설(정파성, 이념, 경험) 가운데 정파성 가설만이 일관성 있게 뒷받침되었다. 의원의 정파성과는 별개로 그들의 이념 역시 찬성 표결과 유의미한 상관관계를 보였으나 그 관계의 방향은 개정안의 내용에 따라 다르게 나타났다. 반면, 개별 의원의 경험을 나타내는 선수나 비례대표 여부는 본회의 찬성 표결과 유의미한 상관관계를 보이지 않았다. 둘째, 위원장안에 반영된 의원 발의 법안(대안반영폐기 법안) 가운데 법안 발의 시 여야 간 협력 수준이 높은 경우를 찾아보기 힘들었다. 오히려 내용이 비정파적이거나 스스로 자정하려는 노력을 보이는 경우 이를 반영한 위원 장안은 본회의에서 매우 높은 찬성률을 보이며 통과되었다. 셋째, 전반적으로 여야 정당의 원내대표 간 정책 공간 거리가 가까울 때, 국회법 개정과 관련된 협의가 잘 이루어졌고, 이전에 계류되어 있던 법안이 본회의에 상정되어 법률화되었다. 반면, 원내대표 간 거리가 멀어지게 될 경우, 비정파적 내용을 다루고 있는 국회법 개정안이 아니라면 본회의 상정 자체가 어려웠다. 결국, 국회선진화법 적용 이후에도 국회 절차적 규칙 개정의 유인 가운데 의원 및 원내대표의 정파성이 여전히 가장 중요한 변수임을 확인할 수 있었다.

Formal modes of political incorporation in South Korea rest on a foundation of limited pluralism. The notion that the state should impose rigid boundaries on political representation pervades the country’s democracy. This notion is enshrined in law – in particular in the constitution’s Article 8 and in the Political Parties Act – and is upheld and perpetuated by the judiciary, the election commission, and the parties that dominate representative institutions. Labour is particularly disadvantaged by the limited pluralism contained in party laws. The role of party law in shaping modes of political incorporation is frequently overlooked. This account of party law in South Korea echoes this issue’s attention to the quiet ways that the state in Asia has silenced or ignored particular groups while maintaining the formal institutions of electoral democracy. In this case, the effect is to facilitate a rightward drift by the state as left-leaning actors face greater challenges in contesting elections.

Taiwan and South Korea are two of the clearest cases of recent democratization in East Asia. The elections of Moon Jae-in in Korea and Tsai Ing-wen in Taiwan seemed to herald new political alignments in both countries, but there has not been a major change in either state. Many observers have stated that the two countries' experiences are quite similar, and that they followed nearly identical paths. We suggest that major differences mark the two cases, in terms of political history and type of authoritarian regimes, timing of transitions, political cultures, nature of ruling parties and nature of political cleavages within the two countries. We profile two leaders who illustrate those differences, Chen Shui-bian of Taiwan and Park Geun Hye of Korea. We also note that democratization literature applied to the two countries needs to be upgraded, and this can have important implications for general democratic theory. Finally, we sketch out possible futures and the agenda for democratization in the two countries.

Abstract How do the president's calculations in achieving policy goals shape the allocation of cabinet portfolios? Despite the growing literature on presidential cabinet appointments, this question has barely been addressed. I argue that cabinet appointments are strongly affected not only by presidential incentives to effectively deliver their key policy commitments but also by their interest in having their administration maintain strong political leverage. Through an analysis of portfolio allocations in South Korea after democratization, I demonstrate that the posts wherein ministers can influence the government's overall reputation typically go to nonpartisan professionals ideologically aligned with presidents, while the posts wherein ministers can exert legislators' influence generally go to senior copartisans. My findings highlight a critical difference in presidential portfolio allocation from parliamentary democracies, where key posts tend to be reserved for senior parliamentarians from the ruling party.

Protest Dialectics represents the first monograph on the democracy movement of the 1970s written by a social movement expert. It offers an informative and accessible account of protest against military general-turned-president Park Chung Hee’s increasingly autocratic rule in that decade. In broad strokes, it traces how the anti-Park movement, confined to students in the early 1970s, evolved into a broader movement with diversified social actors, issues, and tactics by the second half of the decade. The book puts great emphasis on how this evolution did not take place in a political vacuum but in the context of an ongoing contest between political challengers and Park’s authoritarian regime. Not only did the features of protest change in the process of contentious interaction, the regime’s repressive policies also evolved as the government was forced to respond to political challenges. The focus on this interactive process is embodied in the book’s title, Protest Dialectics, and sheds light on how “the repressive capacity of the Yusin regime and the movement for democracy developed in tandem, each influencing the trajectory of the other” (6).The main body of Protest Dialectics is organized into seven chapters grouped in three parts. In the first part, Chang makes a case of how Park Chung Hee’s rule was never static but was in constant flux. After a “democratic interlude” from 1963 to 1971, Park’s regime grew more repressive with the establishment of the Yusin system “in response to the rising critical voices against it” (31). Park’s repressive strategies, however, would backfire as previously inactive social groups became politicized. This is the focus of the detail-rich second part, in which Chang explores the spread of activism from students to Christians, journalists, and lawyers as the Park regime intensified its repression through a series of emergency decrees. The third part illustrates how the diversification of the democracy movement in turn introduced new goals and tactics, exemplified by the rising saliency of human rights as a movement frame and the formation of alliances as an organizational tactic. Finally, in the conclusion, Chang outlines the legacies of the 1970s social movement in the forms of leadership, tactical repertoire, and ideology.Theoretically, Protest Dialectics locates itself within the social movement scholarship that concerns the impact of repression on mobilization. As the author presents it, previous research reveals conflicting findings that show repression suppressing protests in some contexts while triggering more in others. Chang’s solution to this “paradox” (8) is to avoid an “either-or” approach and to look at the “multiple, sometimes divergent, consequences [of repression] for mobilization” (9). A prime example is offered in the effects of the Park Chung Hee regime’s highly repressive tactic manifested in the fabrication of the People’s Revolutionary Party (PRP) in 1974. The regime charged that the PRP was the “mastermind” behind the leading student movement organization, the National Democratic Youth and Student Alliance (Minch’ŏng), and issued Emergency Decree #4 to crack down on dissident youths. The regime’s repression campaign resulted in the demobilization of the student sector as “hundreds of student leaders were jailed” (75). However, Chang skillfully shows how this repressive strategy was a “double-edged sword” (75), as it pulled Christian leaders, journalists, and lawyers into the political fray as they first came to advocate for the students and then became critical forces in the anti-Park movement themselves. The entry of these new social groups into the anti-Park camp not only amplified the movement front but introduced new issues, goals, and tactics into the movement, contributing to its own growth. In this way, Protest Dialectics departs from the conventional approaches that seek to identify the effects of repression in terms of facilitating or suppressing movement mobilization and instead focuses on how repression may generate different effects on different groups at varying times.The varying effects of repression on mobilization may have long been debated in the social movement literature, but studies on South Korea’s protests and democratization has frequently located repression as the main source of grievance and as a catalyst for grassroots resistance. In fact, the most common narrative of South Korea’s democratization has been one that traces how political challengers rose up in reaction to heavy-handed authoritarian repression to achieve democracy through mass protests. This book differs little from this conventional narrative. However, Protest Dialectics distinguishes itself from previous works in how it combines qualitative and quantitative methods to bring to light what previous studies often assumed without substantiating—namely, the concrete mechanisms through which repression triggers the participation of previously inactive segments of society and how links were created among them to forge a national pro-democracy front.The use of interviews is most prominent in part 2 (chapters 3–5). Interview data help Chang carefully craft a narrative through which he demonstrates how government repression politicized the Christian communities, which in turn attracted dissident youths to the churches. As one former Catholic social worker recounts in his interview, “[After] young priests came together and were active in the movement . . . many young people came to church at that time. The number of attendees at Myeongdong Cathedral alone increased by the hundreds in one year. These were students” (89). The reason churches became a magnet for activism was that they were the only places where political activities, oftentimes in the form of prayer meetings, were possible. “People could not do that in other places except for the Church,” another interviewee remembered (94). The reason South Korean churches were able to function as a safe haven under Yusin rule, Chang notes, can be found in their moral symbolism, organizational resources, and international networks.Insight into the individual motivations and circumstances that led Christian leaders to activism is another payoff from Chang’s qualitative research. Interviews with former protest participants reveal how the incompatibility of the Christian faith and the Yusin system was a consistent motivator for Christian activists. The participation of journalists and lawyers in the movement was also motivated by their professional ethics, which eventually took them on a collision course with Yusin rule. The demand for a free press was what got dozens of journalists fired from work, after which they found themselves fighting the Park regime on the streets. Similarly, the “human rights lawyers” hardly saw themselves as activists at first. As a lawyer who defended dissidents in the Minch’ŏng case relates, “The responsibility of a lawyer is to protect people’s rights, freedom, and honor. . . . This is why I took the cases, not because I thought I was a human rights lawyer” (132). As these examples attest, the interviews used in Protest Dialectics reveal as much about how, if inadvertently, one becomes an activist under authoritarian rule as it does about the pro-democracy movement of the 1970s.If qualitative data provide rich information about micro-level movement dynamics, the systematic use of 2,954 counts of protest and repression events in the Stanford Korea Democracy Project dataset allows Chang to dissect some of the key characteristics of protest and chronicle the visible patterns of change over time. For example, tables 2.1 and 6.1 introduce readers to the myriad tactics used by the government and protesters, respectively, as they confronted each other. Other charts illustrate protest activities, tactics, and issues raised by specific social groups as well as the changes in such features over time. The information presented in the figures is used to evidence key claims, such as that of Christians replacing students as the main social group in the latter half of the 1970s (fig. 4.1) or changes toward nondisruptive forms of protest as the number of protest events decreased under intensifying repression (fig. 6.1). The findings from the quantitative research are unlikely to surprise many readers; much is consistent with existing understandings of the 1970s democracy movement. However, no study on the 1970s protests has drawn on such a wealth of evidence as Protest Dialectics has, and there is little doubt that the rigorous use of empirical data will set a new standard for Korean Studies research on protest. Those who are interested in the protest event methodology will certainly appreciate the codebook provided in appendix B.Overall, Protest Dialectics offers a concise analysis of the democracy movement during the dark period of Yusin in the 1970s that fills many gaps in Korean Studies scholarship. Backed by rich evidence, the book does an impressive job clarifying how new groups became drawn into the protest scene, the personal ties that connected each individual, and how South Korean activists were able to connect with international allies who lent indispensable support. Departing from the binary framework that pits civil society against the state, Protest Dialectics takes a fine-tuned approach that exposes the diversity and dynamism in the dissident community. In the same vein, the book avoids portraying the dissident community as a monolithic entity. Instead, it painstakingly clarifies how it was only a small minority of Christians who partook in political activities (108–9) or how the journalists who were politically active came from a younger cohort that had entered the profession with the collective experience of the 1960 April Revolution (124–25). From a social movement perspective, the book convincingly demonstrates how repression, rather than a factor external to the movement, is constitutive of the trajectory of a social movement itself.Like many good books, Protest Dialectics brings light to important questions that call for further scrutiny. One concerns the role of workers. Departing from the conventional narrative that sees workers as a major social group in the pro-democracy struggle, the book portrays workers as a relatively insignificant force in the 1970s. The workers’ struggles at Tongil Textile and Y. H. Trading were “singular events,” unrepresentative of the general trends of the labor movement in the 1970s (44). And despite the high number of protest events they were involved in, workers were largely ineffective as a political force due to “the cooptation of unions and the manipulation of union politics” (43). But then how can this approach be reconciled with the narrative that highlights the Urban Industrial Mission and student-worker solidarity as important driving forces behind the prodemocracy movement? Further debate along this line would certainly benefit our understanding concerning the labor movement and the nature of the prodemocracy alliance in the 1970s.Another question concerns opposition politicians and their relationship with the movement. Protest Dialectics points out that the regime’s crisis in the late 1970s was “exacerbated by the growing strength of opposition politicians” (202) and describes how the expelling of Kim Young Sam from the National Assembly in 1979 triggered mass protests in his hometown areas of Busan and Masan, eventually giving rise to the “fatal split” within the regime (202). However, it offers no indication that the democracy movement was involved in the protests. “Despite their efforts,” Protest Dialectics concludes, “dissidents were not, in the end, the agents directly responsible for the fall of Park Chung Hee’s regime” (201). Does this mean that the Busan-Masan protests erupted independently of the democracy movement? If so, what does it tell us about the leadership, or lack thereof, of the democracy movement in the 1970s?These questions arise because the kind of picture Protest Dialectics offers, like many of its predecessors, is one of movement expansion. The spread of activism to other sectors, building of national coalitions, and connections with international organizations impart an image that the pro-democracy movement, despite increasing repression, grew in organizational and political capacity. Protest Dialectics seeks to find the significance of the 1970s democracy movement in the long-term legacies it generated for movements in the 1980s and beyond. But the suggestion that the goal of the movement, Yusin’s collapse, was achieved without direct contribution from the movement begs for a proper explanation. For only then can we arrive at a balanced assessment of the strengths and limits of the 1970s democracy movement that set the template for future South Korean social movements.

The biggest story of 2017 in South Korea was the impeachment of President Park Geun-hye and the election of Moon Jae-in, shifting power from conservative to progressive. The economy showed signs of recovery despite multiple concerns. The North Korean nuclear crisis intensified tensions in the region.

The election of Moon Jae-in in South Korea signals a shift to a more conciliatory approach towards North Korea. Moon’s basic strategy towards the North contradicts that of the United States, emphasising a “dual-track” policy of seeking North Korea’s denuclearisation while calling for dialogue to facilitate inter-Korean summit and not North Korea’s denuclearisation. Moon’s acceptance of China’s “Three oppositions” to the deployment of Terminal High Altitude Area Defence is controversial as they are not within Korea’s jurisdiction.

이 논문은 제헌국회 이래 70년의 의정사를 대상으로 국회의장의 제도적 권한의 변화와 실질적인 역할을 분석하는 것을 목적으로 한다. 분석결과 오랫동안 국회의장은 주로 집권여당인 다수당의 당파적인 이익을 충실히 대변하는 역할을 해 왔는데, 이는 불편부당한 중립적 중재자라는 국회법이 설정한 이상적인 역할과는 상충하는 것이었다. 제헌국회 이후 국회의장 권한의 약화 또는 강화는 국회 내부의 필요나 동력에 의해서라기보다는 집권세력에 의한 개헌과 같은 외부적인 요인에 의해 이루어졌다는 점이 특징적이다. 국회의장의 제도적 권한은 제2공화국에서 약화, 제4공화국에서 강화, 제6공화국에서 약화되는 특징을 보이는데, 제4공화국에서 강화된 국회의장의 권한은 유신체제의 뒷받침을 위한 것이었다. 민주화 이후 국회인 제13대 국회부터 국회의장의 직권상정 권한이 엄격하게 제한된 제19대 국회 이전까지 국회의장이 다수당의 당파적 이익을 대변할 수 있었던 중요한 수단은 직권상정 권한이었다. 당파적 지도자로서 국회의장의 역할수행은 의장의 당적이탈 의무가 국회법에 명문화된 이후로도 계속되었다. 국회의장단에 대한 불신임안(사퇴권고결의안) 제출과 권한쟁의심판청구 등은 이를 잘 보여주는 사례이다. 최근 들어 국회의장이 과거와 달리 다수당 의원총회에서 경선을 통해서 선출되고, 직권상정 권한은 엄격히 제한되고 있음에도 불구하고, 국회의장이 처해 있는 딜레마는 여전하다. 즉 여전히 국회의장은 법제도적이고 규범적인 차원에서는 중립적인 중재자로서 역할수행이 기대되지만, 현실정치에서는 당파적인 역할수행을 요구하는 압력 하에 놓여있다. 국회의장이 처해 있는 다양한 정치적 요인들을 고려할 때 과연 어떤 역할모델이 바람직한지에 대한 성찰이 필요하다.

Abstract This paper aims to test two types of legislative shirking in a new democracy, South Korea. Using the lame-duck sessions of the Korean National Assembly, we test whether a legislator shirks in voting participation and in voting decisions. We weave two competing motivations of legislative shirking in voting participation – that to secure more leisure time and that to utilize the last, valuable voting opportunity – into a synthetic hypothesis and test it with two-part hurdle models. To test a shirking in voting participation hypothesis, we analyze legislators’ choices on bills that are supposedly related to the interests of constituents or political parties. Empirical results strongly support our shirking in voting participation claims, while only partial evidence is found on shirking in voting decisions. The findings suggest that, besides the trade-off between labor and leisure, some legislators deem the lame-duck sessions an opportunity to express their own preferences unconstrained.

1947년 유엔한국임시위원단이 구성되었으나 캐나다는 유엔의 권위와 미국 중심의 운영에 문제를 제기하며 위원단에서 탈퇴를 통고했다. 캐나다는 미국정부의 설득과 압박에 의해 재합류했지만, 임시위원단을 둘러싼 대립은 이미 시작되었다. 유엔한국임시위원단의 입북 요청을 소련이 거부함에 따라 이남의 정치인들은 총선거 필요성을 강하게 주장했다. 1948년 2월부터 극좌진영의 본격적인 파업과 테러가 시작 됐고, 미군정은 이북정부의 전국적 정당성 확보를 위해 2.7파업과 이북의 열병식, 헌법초안 발표가 소련의 일정한 설계에 의해서 진행되고 있다고 보았다. 유엔한국임시위원단 내에 중국, 프랑스, 필리핀, 엘살바도르와 호주, 캐나다, 인도, 시리아가 대립했고, 미군정은 남북협상을 지지하는 호주와 캐나다 대표가 급진적이고 공산주의자들을 대변하고 있다고 판단했다. 결국 유엔소총회에서 이남 총선이 확정되었고, 1948년 5월 10일 “자유로운 분위기에서” 선거가 치러졌다. 하지만 선거결과의 범위 가 전국적 지위로 해석되는 것에 대한 논쟁이 나타났고, 호주와 캐나다는 ‘전국적’이나 ‘대표자’라고 표현하는 것에 반대했다. 하지만 미국 은 1947년 11월 14일 결의, 유엔소총회의 결의 그리고 전한국의 3분의 2가 거주하는 지역이라는 판단에 의해 신생 정부는 전국적 정부로 인정되어야 할 것이라는 입장을 견지했다. 이러한 미국의 신생 한국정부의 ‘중앙정부’로 대한 인식은 1947년 12월에 김구와 김규식이 나타낸 인식과 유사했다.While the United Nations Temporary Commission on Korea (UNTCOK) was formed in 1947, member state Canada withdrew from the commission, questioning the United Nations authority and the US-centered decision-making process. Canada eventually returned by consistent persuasion and pressure from the U.S. Government. Nonetheless, the tension within the UN Temporary Commission was manifest. When the UN Temporary Commission on Korea requested to enter north of the 38th parallel to negotiate, the Soviet Union refused the commission entrance. Many Koreans strongly argued the necessity of a separate general election in the south. On February 7th, 1948, leftist parties began a series of full-scale strikes and terrorist attacks against the establishment of a separate government. The U.S. Military Government in Korea identified the strikes to be planned as a part of the North’s many efforts, including its draft constitution and military parade, to justify the legitimacy of its government. The consensus of the United Nations Temporary Commission on Korea was polarized into two groups-one group composed of China, France, the Philippines and El Salvador; the other comprised of Australia, Canada, India, and Syria. Furthermore, the U.S. Military Government considered Australia and Canada’s support for North-South negotiation to be leftist and even communist. Eventually, the UN interim committee decided to hold a general election in the south and as such, on May 10th, 1948, the election was held in an “free atmosphere.” Yet debate ensued on how to interpret the ‘national’ jurisdiction of the election results as Australia and Canada opposed the expressions ‘national’ and ‘representative.’ However, the U.S. military government maintained that the newly established government should be recognized as a ‘national’ government based on the UN General Assembly’s resolution on November 14, 1947, as well as the conclusion of two-thirds of Korea’s population. The U.S. perception of the newly formed government as a central government was similar to that of Kim Koo and Kim Kyu-sik in December 1947.

이 논문은 2대 국회 전반 의회 내에서 전개된 여당 형성 활동을 분석하는 것이 목적이다. 주지하듯이 이승만은 정당 기반 없이 집권했고, 1951년 12월이 되어서야 자유당을 창당했다. 그런데 이때 자유당은 대중운동 단체들이 중심이 된 ‘원외’ 자유당으로 신당운동에 참여했던 원내세력은 따로 ‘원내’ 자유당을 만들었다. 여당 형성 작업이 두 갈래로 나뉜것은 이들이 지향하는 정치 체제가 근본적으로 달랐기 때문이다. 이승만과 원외자유당은 대통령제 강화를 원했고 이를 위해 직선제 개헌을 추진했다. 하지만 원내세력은 내각책임제 개헌이 목표였다. 즉 현 집권자인 이승만과 제휴해 여당을 형성하고 내각책임제 아래서 직접 정권을 담당하려 한 것이다.BR 원내자유당이 내각책임제 개헌을 구상한 것은 이승만 정부의 실정 때문이었다. 전쟁 수행 과정에서 드러난 정부의 무능과 실정은 1951년 봄 발생한 국민방위군사건과 거창민간인학살사건으로 절정에 달했고, 의회세력은 그 해결책으로 내각책임제 개헌을 검토했다. 그리고 이를 위해 1951년 5월 신정동지회와 공화구락부가 통합해 공화민정회를 조직했는데, 이들이 바로 원내자유당의 전신이었다. 신정동지회는 의회내 친이승만 세력이었고, 공화구락부는 정치적으로는 중립지대에 있었지만 정부실정에 대해서는 가장 비판적이었다. 정치적 성향의 차이에도 불구하고 두 단체가 통합한 것은 민국당을 견제하면서 원내 제1세력으로서 내각책임제 아래서 집권하기 위해서였다.BR 하지만 이승만의 후원 아래 원외 이승만 세력과 통합해 여당을 형성하려는 이들의 구상은 개헌 문제로 어긋나기 시작했다. 특히 1952년 1월 직선제 개헌안이 의회에서 부결되고 이에 맞서 원외 이승만세력이 의원소환운동을 일으킨 것은 원내외 신당운동 세력이 결별하게 된 직접적인 계기였다. 더구나 원내자유당의 일부가 ‘합동파’를 형성해 원외자유당과 통합을 추진하면서 원내자유당은 합동파와 ‘잔류파’로 분열했다. 결국 원내자유당의 잔류파는 민국당과 합세해 내각책임제 개헌을 추진하는 한편 의회 선거를 통한 이승만 교체를 시도했다. 그러나 이 계획들은 이승만이 계엄령을 선포하고 정치파동을 일으키면서 모두 실패했다. 이승만은 직선제 개헌에 성공했고 원내자유당은 해체 소멸했다. 하지만 이들의 내각책임제 개헌 구상은 그 후로도 계속 이어져 1950년대 후반 야당운동의 구체적 목표이자 근거가 되었다.

South Korea and Japan have been unwaveringly committed to a nuclear-focused energy supply system despite the contested nature of that technology and the Fukushima accident in 2011. The socio-political consequences of four nuclear-related facilities (Ulju, Gyeongju, Futaba, and Rokkasho) are explored through the lens of social peripheralisation. This framework suggests that nuclear facilities will migrate to communities that are geographically remote, economically marginal, politically powerless, culturally defensive, and environmentally degraded. Nuclear infrastructures in the four cases are imposed on peripheral regions, impairing not only the structure of local economies and political power, but also creating a discriminative structure in terms of social and environmental inequality. Peripheralisation suggests a deeper dynamic by which pro-nuclear attitudes become ‘locked in’ socially and culturally so that communities come to depend on the very processes that made them peripheral. Community dynamics, subnational struggles, and contests over local power relations may determine the future of nuclear power.

This paper aims at a theoretical reflection on and an empirical analysis of the relationship between the global economic crisis and liberal democracy in South Korea. For this, we elaborate the concept of dual polarization and construct a model of path analysis which includes such variables as socio-economic and political-ideological cleavage, political party affiliation, ideological orientation, economic (crisis) outlook, and support for an autocratic presidential rule as potential threats to liberal democracy. Descriptively, the paper examines how liberal democracy has unfolded and where South Korea stands today with regard to the quality of her democracy. Analytically, the paper examines where the potential threat to liberal democracy comes from based on a general population survey in Korea from 2014. The major findings of our analysis include: 1) The support for autocratic presidential power is stronger among citizens than among MPs. 2) Political party affiliation, ideological orientation, and economic (crisis) outlook are closely interrelated and significantly affected by the political-ideological cleavage. All independent variables contribute to explaining support for an autocratic presidential rule. 3) Yet there also exists strong support for a democratic regime among both MPs and citizens.

The impact of candidates’ negative traits (CNTs) on voting behavior has received significant attention in election studies in recent decades. However, scholarly efforts have focused primarily on elections in advanced Western democracies, largely overlooking the relationship between candidates’ personal traits and the electorate’s voting behaviors in the context of new democracies. In this study, we fill this gap by investigating the impact of CNTs on the electorate’s vote choices in South Korean presidential elections. Our study of CNTs in South Korea shows that CNTs have statistically significant effects on the electorate’s vote choices. Our findings are particularly relevant because many new democracies are implementing fair and free elections, and the elites under previous authoritarian regimes are running in these elections.

지금까지 국회 상임위원회 구성이 어떠한 원칙에 입각하여 이루어지는지는 미국 의회를 대상으로 개발된 이익분배이론, 정보확산이론, 정당이익이론에 의거하여 논의되어 왔다. 그러나 기존의 연구들은 각각의 이론이 한국의 현실과 얼마나 부합할 수 있는지에 대한 비판적 검토과정을 생략한 채 이를 적용하여 한국 국회의 상임위 구성을 설명하고자 했다는 한계를 가진다. 이에 이 연구는 상임위 구성에 대한 미국의 세 가지 이론들을 한국의 현실에 비추어 비판적으로 검토하여 어떤 이론이 한국의 상임위 구성을 설명하는 데 가장 적합한지 살펴본다. 이를 통해 이익분배이론과 정보확산이론은 국회의 상임위 구성을 설명하기에 많은 한계가 있다는점을 밝힌다. 그리고 국회 상임위 구성이 정당의 이익을 반영하는 차원에서 이루어지고 있다는 점을 제18대와 제19대 국회를 대상으로 새로운 데이터와 새로운 가설에 따라 경험적으로 검증한다. 이 연구는 대부분의 상임위원회 위원은 같은 당 소속 다른 의원들과 이념적으로 유의미한 차이를 보이지 않으며, 차이를 보인다 하더라도 거의 정당의 이념적 방향과 일치하고, 또한 전반기보다 후반기에 정당의 이념적 성향이 더 정확히 반영된 상임위 구성이 이루어졌다는 점을 경험적으로 확인하였다.

한국 정치자금제도나 정당 재원구조는 민주주의의 발전과 함께 정상화하는 단계를 거쳤다. 후견적 간부정당과 외부자금의존적 엘리트정당에서 카르텔정당체제로 변모해가면서 민주화와 더불어 정치자금제도가 정착하기 시작했다. 특히 2004년 정치자금법 개정으로 한국 정치자금 제도는 저비용의 민주주의에 맞게 기능해 주었고 보다 투명하고 양성적인 정치활동이 가능해졌다. 그러나 2004년 정치자금법은 정치자금의 수요를 줄이는 데 초점이 맞추어져 있어 한계가 있다. 이제 민주주의의 심화라는 기준에 맞는 정치자금제도를 정착시킬 시기에 도달했다. 한국 정치제도는 보다 자유로운 정치, 선거, 정당 활동의 보장, 풀뿌리 민주주의의 확대로 나아갈 것이고 결국 정당의 정치자금 수요는 확대될 것이다. 따라서 정당 재원구조의 다원화, 정치기부의 활성화 등이 필요해 보인다.

SAIPAR Case Review: Vol. 1 : Iss. 2 , Article 7The elegant, unanimous judgment, was delivered by Chief Justice Mogoeng Mogoeng. Justice Mogoeng began his judgment by underscoring the fact that as a constitutional democracy, the South African government was a government “of the people, by the people and for the people”. He added that since constitutional democracies do not self-actualize, it was the responsibility of governmental institutions and structures to turn the aspirations of the people into a reality. Noting that fifty five million people cannot collectively govern the Republic, he acknowledged that governance “by the people” was a legal fiction, noting further that the impracticalities of collective governance compelled the people to assign governance functions to “servants” and “messengers” who, in the exercise of these functions, should have the welfare of all South Africans foremost in mind.

The election of Donald J. Trump unsettled many areas of U.S . foreign policy, but few more than the nation’s relationship with Korea. This article argues that the Trump administration’s vision for the world represents a stark break from the tradition of liberal internationalism and instead seeks to take the United States down a path that reflects the modern business practices of giant American corporations. A suitable label for this vision, as the following pages will show, is “Walmart unilateralism.” This framework abandons the traditional American policies of nation building and alliances based on shared ideological values. Instead, it embraces a more short-term approach rooted in financial bottom lines, flexible alliances and rivalries, and the ruthless exploitation of power hierarchies. This new approach, this article concludes, may dramatically transform the American relationship with Korea. Walmart unilateralism in Korea almost certainly will have some short-time positive ramifications for the United States, but its larger failure to consider the history and values of the people living on the Korean Peninsula may generate serious long-term problems for the future experience of the United States in the region.

The representative system is a political system designed for public interest judgment through dialogue and discussion. The public interest is 'decided' or 'discovered'. The public interest determined is determined by the principle of majority rule in the extreme confrontation based on the difference of values, and the public interest that is found is divided into cases where the public interest is found without deliberation and the case where the deliberation is essential. AI can be most useful if you need diligence among these three types. Even today, there are various systems and devices for elected representatives to help judge the public interest. Those who are appointed by the president to help the president in his or her duties are the public officials of the presidential nominee, and the investigation agencies such as the National Assembly Budget and Policy Department and the National Assembly Legislative Investigation Department. AI can be useful to both intermediate decision makers who do not have the final public interest decision authority and decision makers who are authorized to make public interest decisions. This is because we can use the information provided by AI to develop a technology that enables a real-time referendum to the government. In such cases, however, the choice of an agenda for the right to leave is left to artificial intelligence, not to man, so there is a great danger that artificial intelligence can turn into a situation where artificial intelligence works. Going one step further, if an AI decides an agenda, makes an interim judgment, and the AI makes the final public interest decision, one has to give up his sovereignty or choose neutral. Of course, this is not allowed under the Constitution. However, there is a characteristic of artificial intelligence that must be considered before this. Most people believe that AI is much more 'objective' than humans. However, AI can make a completely different conclusion look 'objective' depending on what algorithm it learns. It is difficult to expect objectivity from AI if AI is as biased as a person in dealing with the legislative process and its bias is strengthened. Biased Artificial Intelligence If we decide on an agenda, intervene in the interim judgment, and the final public interest decision is made possible by someone manipulating the algorithm intentionally, we can not agree on whether that human race meets the fundamental principle of designing the agent It is obvious. This is the reason why, even as the AI develops, ultimately, the final judgment of the public interest must be made by a parliamentarian composed of 'people' in the parliament, which is a consensus decision-making body. The AI that we expect to be objective can be as biased as we are, so the last thing we can lean on is the pursuit of public benefit through deliberation of imperfect human beings.

이슈 소유권(issue ownership)은 특정 이슈나 현안을 해결할 수 있는 정당의 능력에 대한 평판이다. 특정 이슈에 대해 다른 정당보다 최상의 해결책을 가지고 있는 것으로 인식되는 정당이 해당 이슈를 소유하고 있다고 말한다. 기존연구에 의하면 유권자는 중요하다고 생각하는 이슈의 소유권자로 인식되는 정당에 투표하는 경향이 있다. 다시 말해 이슈 중요성(salience)은 이슈 소유권 투표(issue ownership voting)에 영향을 미치는 조건이다. 본 연구에서는 이슈 소유권 투표의 또 다른 조건으로 이슈 소유권을 주장하는 정당의 행태에 따라 이슈 소유권에 대한 인식이 투표에 미치는 영향을 살펴본다. 2016년에 실시된 20대 총선 당시 더불어민주당은 경제정당으로서의 면모를 강조하고 새누리당과는 다른 성장 전략을 제시하면서 새누리당이 소유하고 있는 경제이슈 소유권을 뺏어 오려고 했다. 연구결과, 19대 총선과 비교해 민주당이 경제 이슈 소유권자라는 인식이 정당 지지자 및 이탈자, 무당파 집단에서 모두 증가하면서 민주당의 선거 전략은 유권자에게 어필한 것으로 나타났다. 뿐만 아니라 민주당이 경제 이슈 소유권자라는 인식은 경제 이슈를 가장 중요하게 생각하는 유권자가 민주당을 선택하는 데 영향을 미친 것으로 나타났다. 반면 새누리당이 경제 이슈 소유권자라는 인식이나 국민의당이 경제 이슈 소유권자라는 인식은 경제 이슈를 중시하는 유권자의 해당 정당 투표에 영향을 미치지 않았다. 본 연구는 이슈 중요성 이외에 정당의 행태가 이슈 소유권 투표에 영향을 미치는 조건이라는 것을 밝힘으로써 이슈 소유권 이론에 기여한다.

2017년 1월 17일, 독일 연방헌법재판소는 민족민주당(NPD)의 해산여부에 대한 결정 을 내렸다. 이 결정은 한국에 특히 중요한 의미를 가진다. 대한민국 헌법재판소는 이미 2014년 12월 19일 통합진보당에 관해 이미 정당해산의 결정을 내렸으며 그 법리적 판단에 있어서 독일 연방헌법재판소 및 독일 학계의 기존의 정당해산과 관련한 법리들이 직간접적으로 영향을 미친 것이 사실이다. 2017년 독일의 연방헌법재판소의 새로운 정당해산결정에 사용된 법리가 기존 법리와 차이가 있거나, 더 발전된 부분이 있다면 대한민국에서 그것을 비판하든 수용하든 간에 이는 정당해산결정의 법리와 관련하여 반드시 참고해야 할 점이라고 할 수 있다. 이 글은 이러한 배경을 바탕으로 하여, 먼저 한국의 2014년 결정의 내용을 분석적으로 소개한 후, 독일 연방헌법재판소의 2017년 판결의 내용을 분석하여 제시하여 서로를 비교하였다. 이러한 기초 위에서 결론적으로는, 특히 대한민국의 결정은 정당해산제도가 보호하고 자 하는 '민주적 기본질서'의 의미가 재차 설명되었고, '비례원칙'을 적용한 것이 특징적이 며, 또한 해산된 정당 소속의 국회의원의 의원직 상실을 헌법재판소의 결정만으로 할 수 있다고 한 점이 두드러진다고 할 수 있다. 독일의 결정에서는 특히 비밀 조사기관의 역할과 언론의 자유에 대한 판단에 주목할 필요가 있었다. 무엇보다도 독일의 경우 해당 정당의 목적과 활동이 위헌성이 있다는 점을 인정하였지만, 해산을 할 정도의 '잠재적 위험성'은 없다고 보았다. 이러한 판단이 해산과 존속이라는 일도양단적 결론을 넘어 정당해산에 관하여 '제3의 길'을 만든 것인지에 대한 평가는 아직도 독일에서 헌법조항 의 개정을 수반한 논의가 진행중이다. 향후 한국에서도 지속적으로 관찰하면서 숙고해볼 필요가 있다고 하겠다.

본 연구는 20대 총선 과정에서 국내 지역 중 북한이탈주민이 가장 많이 거주하고 있는 인천 논현1동이 포함된 인천광역시 남동구 갑 지역구 선거구에 대한 참여관찰을 실시하였다. 구체적으로는 북한이탈주민과 관련된 이슈를 중심으로 남동구 갑 지역구의 유권자와 주요 후보, 지역구에 거주하는 북한이탈주민을 대상으로 인터뷰를 진행하였다. 인터뷰 내용을 분석한 결과, 첫째, 유권자들은 북한이탈주민이 많이 거주하고 있다는 사실을 인지하고 있었으나 이들과 관련된 것이 포함된 후보자의 공약에 대해서는 잘 알고 있지 못했다. 둘째, 북한이탈주민들은 정치 전반에는 관심이 있었으나 일반 유권자와 마찬가지로 공약에 대한 이해는 부족했다. 마지막으로 후보자들은 북한이탈주민을 주요 유권자로 인지하고 있었으며 이들을 위한 공약과 정책에 많은 관심을 가진 것으로 나타났다. 이러한 분석 결과는 한국 사회에서의 매니페스토 운동과 정책 선거의 현주소를 파악하고, 정책 선거 문화가 북한이탈주민을 비롯한 소수자를 포함해야한다는 방향성을 제시해준다는 점에서 의미가 클 것으로 기대된다.

Headline SOUTH KOREA: Ban Ki-moon's failure may decide election

The Sewol ferry accident, occurring in the ocean in South Korea on April 16, 2014, resulted in the loss of 304 lives. Some argue that one of the primary reasons for such an excessive death toll was because the post-disaster rescue operations led by the Korea Coast Guard (KCG) were neither timely nor efficient and effective. In this study, we attempt to understand whether there was any systemic cause behind such an unsuccessful disaster response on the part of the KCG. In doing so, we analyze the KCG's aptitudes, attitudes, and behaviors vis-à-vis its rescue operations in the broader context of Sewol ferry disaster management, while utilizing the classic theories of bureaucratic accountability. We conclude this research by arguing that the KCG was more concerned about hierarchical, political, and legal accountability than professional accountability in the midst of the accident, and discuss theoretical and practical ramifications of our findings.

Abstract As an outcome of the ongoing re-democratization movement in South Korea, the recent success of the Candlelight Revolution provides valuable perspective for those grappling with the crisis of democracy in the U.S. Tracing an unexpected material link to the 1986 People Power Revolution in the Philippines, this article also seeks to explain the relationship between the 2014 Sewol Ferry Disaster and the Candlelight Movement, a connection readily taken for granted among most South Koreans but often perplexing to those outside of Korea.

이 연구는 유권자들의 정책 선호가 후보자 지지 및 선택에 미치는 영향력을 측정한다. 정책 선호가 투표 행태에 미치는 영향력은 선거 운동 기간 동안 변할 수 있다. 특히, 이 논문은 전통적인 쟁점의 경우 정책 선호가 후보자 지지에 미치는 영향력이 선거 기간 동안 증대되는 경향이 있는 반면, 상대적으로 새로운 쟁점에서는 이 영향력의 변화가 미미하거나 감소한다고 주장한다. 이 주장을 검토하기 위해 이 연구는 제19대 대통령 선거 기간 중 시행된 패널 설문조사 결과를 회귀 분석하여 정책 선호가 후보자 지지와 선택에 미치는 영향력을 측정한다. 이 분석 결과에 따르면, 전통적이라고 할 수 있는 대북정책이나 복지정책과 관련한 정책 선호의 영향력은 선거 운동 이전에 비해 이후에 상대적으로 강하고 뚜렷하게 나BR타나는 반면, 상대적으로 새로운 쟁점이라고 할 수 있는 사드배치나 적폐청산 문제에서는 쟁점에 관한 선호가 후보자 선택에 미치는 영향력이 감소하거나 그 변화가 미미한 것으로 나타났다.

The present article analyses the changing relation between South Korea’s legislative and executive branches over the past thirty years since democratization. It examines changes in the legislative process, the budget process, oversight of the executive, international agreements and treaties with other states, and the appointment of high-level political personnel. Whereas there were 938 draft bills submitted to the 13th National Assembly, there were a full 17,822 pieces of draft legislation submitted to the 19th National Assembly. This represents a nineteen-fold increase in the number of proposed laws submitted to the National Assembly during its term in office. The number of laws actually passed by the National Assembly (NA) has also risen from 806 during the 13th NA to 8,011, a slower but still massive ten-fold increase. This article examines the legislative process and considers institutional changes that have facilitated this rapid expansion, and also discusses what can be done to further improve institutions. At the same time, the budget of the South Korean government has risen from 18 trillion won in 1988 to 400.7 trillion currently. The article’s discussion of the budget process includes how the role of the National Assembly has changed in its oversight of the budget process, and offers information about the budgeting process year-to-year. Oversight of the executive is offered as well, and includes a year-by-year summary of how oversight and investigative institutions have evolved. The article concludes with a summary of growing legislative power over the ratification of treaties and the vetting of high-level appointees.

Recent reforms of family policy signal a turning point in the Korean welfare state, as they undermine the welfare developmentalism that is commonly ascribed to Korean social policy. Drawing on the East Asian as well as Western welfare state literatures, this research seeks to understand the politics behind family policy reforms. In doing so, this research argues that political parties were the driver of these reforms, contrary to the conventional ‘parties do not matter’ perspective that dominates the East Asian welfare state literature. Utilizing the party competition thesis from the study of Western welfare states, this article demonstrates that political parties, the unlikely reform agency due to their perceived non-policy orientation, moved family policy to centre stage in election campaigns. Far-reaching changes in the electorate, namely the diminishing effect of regionalism and the increasing importance of young voters, incentivized parties to promote family policy. Thus, this research calls for bringing political parties into the analysis of East Asian welfare politics.

This review article provides an overview of the scholarship on the establishment and reform of East Asian welfare capitalism. The developmental welfare state theory and the related productivist welfare regime approach have dominated the study of welfare states in the region. This essay, however, shows that a growing body of research challenges the dominant literature. We identify two key driving factors of welfare reform in East Asia, namely democratization and post-industrialization; and discuss how these two drivers have undermined the political and functional underpinnings of the post-war equilibrium of the East Asian welfare/production regime. Its unfolding transformation and the new politics of social policy in the region challenge the notion of “East Asian exceptionalism”, and we suggest that recent welfare reforms call for a better integration of the region into the literature of advanced political economies to allow for cross-fertilization between Eastern and Western literatures.

Do presidential campaigns matter outside the United States? We examine how public opinion responds to campaign events during Korean presidential campaigns. The fundamental variables of the election year influence vote intention before the campaign begins and substantially influence eventual vote choice. Campaign events assist voters to learn more about the fundamental variables – regionalism, party identification, and retrospective evaluations of the incumbent administration – and this leads to more informed intentions during the campaign. The results suggest that there is substantial congruence in the explanatory power of Holbrook’s ‘equilibrium’ theory and Gelman and King’s ‘enlightenment’ theory in presidential campaigns held in the US and in Korea.

Despite negative public opinion, the role of the Korean government has expanded, while overcoming two rounds of global financial crises. The phenomenon of the re-swelling state is mainly attributed to the strengthening of the central bureaucracy, in particular the financial bureaucracy, rather than the whole central government or the state. The argument of the strengthening of the ‘state’ or the ‘government’ after economic crises might be subject to the error of generalization. Through the two rounds of economic crises, the financial bureaucracy succeeded in acquiring the authority of market supervision and industrial support. In consequence, the bureaucracy's institutional supremacy within the government grew less challenged. The central bureaucracy was no longer the loyal servant to the President. It has reinforced its institutional strength and autonomy vis-a-vis the President, the National Assembly, the Central Bank and civil society, under the pretext of building up the rational and autonomous market and democratic politics.

The purpose of this study is to examine the determinants of the poors political support for conservative parties in Korea. Using data from the post-election survey of the last presidential election in 2012, three competing theoretical frameworks wereanalyzed to identify the determinants of this support. The results of the empirical analyses demonstrate that the role of political cleavages such as regional cleavages and the North Korea cleavage, as well as critical evaluations of the progressive government model, play key roles in determining the support of the poor for the conservative Saenuri Party. Although this study concerned the Korean case, two of its findings have significant implications for comparative studies. First, political cleavages (second dimensions) are context-dependent, and second, the performance of the progressive government is important for the potential future mobilization of the poor.

Which issues do political parties emphasize in campaigns? Selecting the issues to emphasize in campaigns is treated with the same importance as policy positioning. Nevertheless, little attention has been paid to understanding parties’ strategies of issue competition in presidential elections under multiparty systems. By analyzing statements of presidential candidates in the 2002, 2007, and 2012 Korean presidential debates, we find that presidential candidates use their issue emphasis strategies differently in presidential elections according to party size and ideological relationships with other parties. Specifically, a small party’s candidates have been more likely than mainstream parties’ candidates to pursue their issue ownership advantage. In addition, a mainstream party’s candidates have emphasized the issues of a small party more than those of his own party when the two parties have had a similar ideological foundation, whereas, when there were no such ideological similarities, a mainstream party’s candidate has only focused on issues of the mainstream party. Our results imply that the political communication used by political parties and candidates is conditioned not only by political contexts such as electoral systems or party systems but also by the size and ideology of parties.

This study examines how two newspapers in South Korea, one conservative and one liberal, covered the U.S. presidential election of 2008. The study found that there was a significant divergence in the emphasis placed on certain types of issues between the two ideologically polarized newspapers. While the liberal Hankyoreh Daily placed more emphasis on social justice issues –such as racial equality and the abolition of social discrimination, the conservative Chosun Daily highlighted “human interest” issues, focusing on more trivial topics such as the candidates’ gender, family, and fashion preferences. There was also a difference in the types of news sources used by the two newspapers. The Hankyoreh Daily sought to represent the voices of the South Korean elite, while The Chosun Daily used American politicians as one of its major source of information. This study argues that a news organization’s ideological orientation is an important factor, which influences South Korean newspapers’ “domestication” of the U.S. election, which was staged in a distant region.

Research and report on the respective powers of Australian and North Korean legislature and judiciary.

Ideological leadership through the Party was at the core of the North Korean leaders’ hegemonic rule over the people, which resulted in the great popularity of Kim Il-sung. Marketisation in the wake of the economic crisis, however, significantly impaired the mechanism for rule by consent, especially by triggering the influx of outside information and undermining the Party's ideological education activities. The economic crisis led the state to adjust the mechanism of consent and coercion in such a way that the state's control over society could be restored by relying more on rule by force, which was demonstrated by the much stricter penal system, bloody purges and, most of all, military-first politics. This, nonetheless, was a temporary measure because, in Guha's terms, ‘dominance without hegemony’ would not be durable in the long term. The regime can sustain itself in the long-term only through the reinstatement of the consent mechanism, which disintegrated owing to the marketisation. However, as the marketisation, being beneficial to those who have power as well as ordinary people, is irreversible in North Korea today, the reestablishment of hegemonic rule would not be attainable.

How do prior margins of victory influence the longevity and exit patterns of legislative careers in South Korea? Do marginal vote rates in the election determine when and how a legislator’s term ends? Although the relationship between electoral security and legislative careers in US and Western parliamentary democracies is frequently studied, little is known about legislatures in new democracies. We analyze the effects of various electoral and institutional factors (especially vote margins of victory) on the duration and departure-type patterns of legislators in the South Korean National Assembly over the last 30 years (1988&#8211;2015). Our statistical findings show that higher vote margins in the previous election decrease the chance of electoral defeat in the next election. Legislators with narrow vote margins are positively associated with a higher likelihood of enforced removal from office by the courts during their tenures. Our finding provides an interesting linkage between vote margins of victory and the abrupt discontinuity of legislative careers.

이 논문은 1948년 남북 분단과 남한 단독선거가 사실상 결정된 상황에서 북한 정부 수립 논의와 그의 실천적 조치로서 최고인민회의 선거를 살펴본 글이다. 공산측은 분단이 가시화하고 남한 단독선거가 결정되자 이에 맞서 북한 정부 수립 준비에 들어갔으며, 그 정부에 어떠한 성격을 부여할 것인지 고민하였다. 결국 그들은 임시적 성격이 아닌 ‘통일적’ 정부 수립을 결정하고 남북한에 걸쳐 전국적인 선거 실시를 기획하였다. 남한에서는 연판장 서명을 중심으로 한 ‘지하선거’를 실시하여 1,080명의 대표자를 선출하였다. 그러나 이 선거는 비합법적 공간에서 선거의 기본절차가 지켜질 수 없었던 다소 형식적인 정치행사였다.BR 북한에서 최고인민회의 선거는 도·시·군인민위원회 선거 방식에 따라 실시되어 3개 정당과 무소속으로 구성된 대의원 212명을 선출하였다. 이 가운데 북로당 소속 대의원들이 다수를 차지하였고, 남한 대표자들이 선출한 360명의 대의원과 더불어 조선최고인민회의를 결성하였다. 공산측은 최고인민회의 선거를 통해 수립된 북한 정부에 ‘인민적’ 성격과 ‘통일적’ 정부라는 위상을 부여하는데 큰 의미를 두었다.

One of the most controversial issues to arise during the colonial period in Korea was the rise of clerical marriage and meat-eating among Korean monks. Given that sexual congress and meat dishes were prohibited in bhikṣu and bodhisattva precepts respectively, any examination of the issue of clerical marriage and meat-eating requires a careful exploration of the ways in which Korean monks understood and practiced bhikṣu and bodhisattva precepts not only in the colonial period but also in the late Chosŏn period. The Chosŏn period saw a weakening of the bhikṣu ordination tradition, whose ordination lineage was broken until the monk Taeŭn and the monk Manha established their own lineages by bestowing bhikṣu precepts in the eighteenth and the late nineteenth centuries, respectively. According to the Tongsa yŏlchŏn 東師列傳 (Biographies of Korean monks) written by the monk Pŏmhae in 1894, the number of bhikṣu and bodhisattva ordinations gradually increased in the nineteenth century. Because the government had overturned Buddhist institutions such as the monk examinations and certificates, monks had to secure their clerical identity by taking precepts from renowned preceptors, such as Ch'oŭi and Pŏmhae. The early Japanese colonial period also witnessed the rise of bhikṣu and bodhisattva ordinations in major Korean monasteries in part because the head-branch temple laws, a set of monastic laws, now specified that bhikṣu and bodhisattva ordinations were requirements for higher clerical positions, such as head monk or branch temple abbot. However, an examination of two cases of head temple elections, one in the T'ongdosa parish and one in the Magoksa parish, reveals that, though these requirements were in place, the way that monks understood the status of bhikṣu as it pertained to clerical marriage led to a rise in the number of bhikṣu ordinations that was surprisingly contemporaneous with the increase of clerical marriage during the colonial period.

회고적 투표 이론에서 제시하는 바와는 달리 한국 선거에서는 현직 대통령의 국정운영에 대한 평가가 부정적임에도 불구하고 집권 여당의 후보가 선거에서 승리하는 현상이 종종 발생한다. 실제 연구에서도 어떠한 선거를 다루는가에 따라 회고적 평가가 유권자의 투표선택에 중요한 영향을 끼친다는 결과와 그렇지 않다는 상반된 결과가 나타나고 있는 실정이다. 이러한 문제의식에서 본 논문은 회고적 투표와 관련한 최근의 국내·외 연구 성과를 살펴봄으로써 앞으로 후속 연구가 참고할 수 있는 이론적 · 경험적 함의를 제시하는 것을 목적으로 한다. 특히 앞으로의 후속 연구가 고려해야 할 점으로 단순히 특정한 선거에서 회고적 평가가 투표선택에 유의미한 영향을 끼치는가를 확인하는 작업을 넘어서서 (1) 한국 선거에서 어떠한 정치적 · 제도적 조건에서 회고적 투표가 나타나거나 나타나지 않는지에 대한 통시적 · 비교적 연구의 필요성, (2) 유권자들이 회고적 평가가 투표선택에 반영되는 심리적 메커니즘과 그 한계에 대한 정치심리학적 연구의 필요성, 그리고 (3) 설문조사에 의존한 분석에서 벗어난 방법론적 다양화의 필요성 등을 촉구한다.

Abstract Welfare politics can be largely assessed by the following three kinds of political prisms: bureaucratic politics, partisan politics, and social politics. Bureaucratic and partisan politics which accounted for the evolution of welfare states in East Asia are not adequate to illuminate the difference in recent welfare reforms between Korea and Japan after a significant political transition. Social politics is construed as a triangular relationship between civic advocacy groups, trade unions, and political leaders. The relative strength and weakness of civic advocacy groups in Korea and Japan, respectively, provide an analytical niche capable of explaining cross-national variations in welfare politics. The original version of the power resources model thus needs to be complemented by incorporating the role of civil society mobilisation in welfare politics. The core of new power resources in our comparative analysis is alliance-building led by non-parliamentary social forces, which cannot be easily measured by quantifiable strength of labour movements and affiliated political parties.

The aim of this thesis is to investigate the role and impact of the committee staff of the South Korean National Assembly in the scrutiny of government bills. It also explores the factors affecting their role and impact focusing on the scrutiny of government bills. Parliamentary staff globally have not drawn much academic attention with the exception of those in the U.S., and it is difficult to apply the theories and concepts in American studies to staff in the legislatures of other countries due to the peculiarity of legislatures in the U.S. Moreover, previous literature on parliamentary staff has not given much attention to the roles of staff in mediation and negotiation between policy actors. This research sets out the framework consisting of macro-level institutions, network, actors and the interaction between actors, and uses the perspectives of policy network theory and new institutionalism to derive key concepts, in the context of the South Korean National Assembly, on the features of network; the capabilities and orientations of MPs and committee staff members; and historical contexts affecting the evolution of institutions. In order to collect and analyse empirical data, this research conducted qualitative interviews with 38 committee staff members; amendment analysis on 787 amendment opinions in the scrutiny of law bills; and legislative case studies on four cases of the legislative process. The thesis argues that the committee staff provide information and guide the scrutiny; consult with and mediate between policy actors; and play a limited role in setting the items of the subcommittee meetings. Generally speaking, the impact of them is found to be strong, as evidenced through the interview data and amendment analysis. This is because the orientation structures and capabilities of MPs and committee staff members are conducive to MPs’ delegation of detailed scrutiny to committee staff members; staff members’ participation; and MPs’ agreement with them according to the interview data. In addition, political controversy affects the role and impact negatively, but technical complexity affects positively according to the interview data and amendment analysis. These findings are also supported by the legislative case study. The committee staff conducted substantive roles in the scrutiny of uncontroversial bills, but their roles in amending bills were limited to the translation of the agreement between parties in the scrutiny of controversial bills although they specified detailed amendments and conducted scrutiny in the aspects of legal structure and wording in technically complex matters. The contributions of this research are as follows: First of all, it sheds lights on the network managing function of parliamentary staff generally and in Korea in particular in their roles such as consultation and mediation. In addition, it also sheds light on the nature of issue as the factors affecting the role and impact of parliamentary staff differently. Last, but not least, it can be a base of comparative research on the legislative staff through studying non-partisan committee staff. The major limitation of this research is that it does not address whether the findings can be applied to the legislatures of other countries. This limitation is due to the peculiarity of South Korean National Assembly, although it shares some features of the legislative process with those in the U.K. and U.S. But then, this is a major problem with all kinds of comparative social science research and ought not to be an excuse not to engage with these important issues. Thus, the conduct of a comparative research about parliamentary staff of different countries with a consistent framework is suggested as the direction of future studies.

Abstract The impeachment of President Park Gyeun‐hye on 10 March 2017 saw South Korean politics enter a period of crisis. Her removal from office, the result of an unprecedented mass movement of citizen protests, provided a springboard for the subsequent success of the liberal candidate, Moon Jae‐in, in the presidential election of 9 May 2017. This article suggests that political change in South Korea is only possible if actors move beyond the politics of personality, and tackle the structural reasons for the policy failures of recent times. Further, if democracy, a humane economic system and responsive political institutions are going to be developed and nourished, the country's ‘imperial presidency’ needs to be reformed. In particular, the current ‘winner‐takes‐all’ politics, with the presidency as the main locus of power, needs to be reformed in ways that promote a more balanced political system, increasing the influence of other actors and institutions.

이 논문은 20대 총선거를 사례로 하여 강원도에서 나타나고 있는 유권자들의 표심변화를 분석해보는 것이다. 20대 총선거는 선거의 정책이슈가 명확히 드러나지 않은 선거이면서 의외의 결과를 적지 않게 만들어낸 선거였다. 강원도의 선거결과를 좀 더 구체적으로 분석하면 강원도 정치지형에 의미있는 변화가 감지되며 그 양상, 원인, 그리고 향후 전망 등을 이해하는 것은 강원도 유권자의 표심의 향방과 강원도 선거 및 정치를 진단하는데 중요한 토대가 될 수 있는 많은 함의를 제공한다는 것이 이 논문의 주장이다. 말하자면 그 변화들은 향후 강원도 선거에서 나타날 유권자의 표심을 반영할 가능성이 높으며 따라서 선거의 결과들을 예측하는 데 적지 않은 함의를 가질 것이라고 판단하는 것이다. 분석적으로 이 논문은 그런 논문의 목적과 주장을 강원도 사회의 전반적인 변화양상과 연계된 몇 가지 중요한 가설들을 검증하는 방식으로 구성한다. 그것은 도내의 투표율, 연령별 투표행태, 그리고 지역별 투표행태 등이다. 강원도는 전반적인 인구의 고령화, 농⋅산촌지역의 공동화 및 일부 도내 대도시 지역의 수도권화 등 세대 및 지역으로 구획되는 몇 가지 현저한 사회적 변화가 진행하고 있으며 이런 변화는 향후 상당 기간 동안 강원도 정치와 선거양상을 결정짓는데 큰 역할을 할 것이라고 보는 것이다. 그런 변화가 낳을 강원도 선거의 모습은 보수적 투표결과가 지속되는 가운데도 선거의 종류, 특히 선거구의 성격에 따라 차별화가 나타나는 모습이다. 도의 전반적인 고령화 때문에 군 단위 지역에서 보수정당과 후보의 지배력은 계속 커질 것이다. 그것은 고령화 된 군 지역 유권자의 보수적 지지성향과 높은 투표율이 복합적으로 낳는 결과이다. 하지만 군 지역은 점차 인구가 줄어드는 추세이기 때문에 한편으로는 선거구 축소 다른 한편으로는 도 단위 선거에서의 영향력 감소 등을 통해 정치적 영향력이 줄어들 가능성이 높다.

This study focuses on the factors that shape relationships between women’s CSOs and political parties in Indonesia compared to those in South Korea and Argentina. Several path dependent explanations of specific issues like women and politics in policy-making and political representation can be facilitated by using these three nations as points of comparison. The main research question in this study is: why women’s CSOs have distant or close relations with political parties in order to shape consolidated representation in Indonesia, South Korea, and Argentina? This study argues that the relations between women’s CSOs and political parties affect the development of women’s political representation in consolidated democracies. A distant and critical engagement between women’s CSOs and political parties in Indonesia is evident in some progressive gender policy reforms in parliament, but the weak implementation of these laws in society still remains. Although there has been a strong, a close alignment between women’s CSOs and political parties in South Korea and Argentina that has encouraged women’s political representation outcomes, both countries still face some problems. It is difficult for South Korean CSOs to achieve autonomy from the state and political parties; meanwhile, in Argentina the major parties are strongly dominant in the political structure.

우리나라 선거는 전통적으로 지역주의적인 경향이 강했고, 이로 인해 선거지리 연구에서도 대체로 정치적 성향이 안정적으로 드러나는 공간적 패턴을 분석하거나 그 원인을 밝히는 데에 주로 초점이 맞추어져 있었다. 그러나 지역은 인구나 경제적인 힘에 의해 끊임없이 변화해 간다는 점을 고려한다면 지역의 정치적 성향 또한 역동성을 가질 수 있고 따라서 이를 체계적으로 밝히는 연구가 필요하다. 본 연구에서는 국회의원 선거(비례대표) 결과의 변화 양상을 통해 수도권 내에 어떤 지역에서 정치적 성향의 변화가 나타나고 있으며, 그 요인은 무엇인지 탐색해보고자 한다. 특히, 이때 인구이동데이터의 전입지와 전출지의 정치적 성향을 고려한 것은 새로운 시도라고 볼 수 있다. 연구방법으로는 회귀분석을 사용하였는데 전역적인 분석을 위해서는 OLS와 SEM 분석을 실시하였고, 국지적 분석을 위해서 GWR을 활용하였다. 연구결과는 다음과 같다. 첫째, OLS와 SEM의 모형적합도 비교 결과, SEM이 더욱 우수한 것으로 나타났다. 둘째, SEM 분석결과, 연령과 주택면적은 보수정당의 득표율 변화와 양의 유의미한 상관관계를 가졌으며, 아파트 비율의 증가와 보수정당의 득표율 변화는 음의 관계로 나타났다. 셋째, GWR 분석결과, 각 하위 지역마다 보수정당의 득표율 변화에 영향을 미치는 변수나 그 정도는 상이하게 나타났다. 하지만, 각 변수가 득표율 변화에 미치는 영향력을 비교한 결과, 공동주택가격의 변화, 보수정당을 지지할 것으로 추정되는 인구의 유입 비중, 60대 이상 인구비율의 변화가 주요 요인으로 나타났다.

본 연구는 국회의원들의 공약이행에 미치는 정치적 요인을 알기 위해서 한국매니페스토 실천본부에서 조사한 제19대 국회의원의 공약이행 평가 자료를 기초로 개별 지역구 국회의원들의 공약이행률을 검토하고 국회의원 선거공약과 정당공약과의 일치율, 국회의원의 개인적 역량과 지역구 특성이 공약이행률에 미치는 효과를 회귀분석을 통해 분석했다. 그 결과 국회의원의 선거공약이 양대 정당(새누리당과 민주통합당) 공약에 모두 제시될수록 공약이행률이 높아진 것으로 나타났다. 반면에 국회의원의 선거공약이 새누리당이든 민주통합당이든 어떤 한 정당의 공약하고만 일치할 경우에는 공약이행률이 높아지지는 않았다. 이러한 결과는 제19대 국회에서 국회선진화법이 시행됨으로써 양대 정당 중 어느 한 당의 반대가 있다면 제도적으로 어떤 공약도 시행되기 어려운 현실을 반영한 것이며 유권자들과의 약속을 지키는 책임정치의 실현을 위해서는 정당 간의 정치적 합의가 중요하다는 것을 증명하고 있다.

이 글은 비교정치제도적 시각에서 민주화이후 지난 30년간 한국 대통령제의 진화과정을 분석, 평가, 전망하였다. 민주화이후 한국 대통령제는 3김시기의 제왕적 대통령제에서 3김이후 “대통령중심적 대통령제(president-centered presidentialism)”로 진화하였다. 이러한 진화과정에 제도적 요인(정치자금법을 비롯한 주요 정치관련법, 각 정당의 제도 개혁)과 비제도적 요인(대통령의 리더십성격)이 작용하였다. 이러한 진화과정을 분석한 결과 우리들은 앞으로 정치제도개혁을 통해 현행 “대통령중심적 대통령제”를 “대통령-의회 권력분립형 대통령제”로 발전시킬 가능성을 발견하였다. 특히 지난 30년간의 민주화 추세를 고려해보면 한국 대통령제가 장차 권력분립형 대통령제로 발전해 나갈 수 있을 것으로 전망된다. 이제 통치과정에서 대통령 우위의 “대통령중심적 대통령제”에서 벗어나 앞으로 행정, 입법, 사법 3부가 서로 대등한 통치의 주체로서 견제와 균형을 이루어 민주주의를 발전시켜 나가야 한다. 그동안 국회의 대통령 견제와 감독기능의 증가, 사법부의 독립성 증대, 시민사회의 책임 있는 정치적 참여 증가등이 권력분립형 대통령제를 가능하게 할 것으로 본다. 따라서 지난 30년간 대통령제하에서 우리들이 이룩한 민주적 성과를 유지, 발전시켜 나가려면 현행정부형태를 바꾸지 않고 대통령제를 유지하는 가운데 현행 대통령제의 문제점을 시정해 나가는 것이 바람직하다. 이를 위해 현행 헌법상의 대통령 권한을 축소하고, 4년 중임의 정부통령제로 변경하는 개헌이 필요하다. 또 현행 헌법의 내각제적요소를 제거해야 한다. 그리고 권력분립형 대통령제를 뒷받침할 수 있도록 국회제도, 정당제도, 선거제도, 대선후보 경선제도를 개선하고 대통령제와 관련된 잘못된 인식과 잘못된 정치적 관행을 고쳐 나가야 한다.

In this study on the party system in South Korea after democratization, I propose to disentangle the electoral influence of regionalism, instigated by a historical contingency at the beginning but developed into a stable and intense linkage between the parties and their core regional bases from other stable grounds for party support: the economy and ideology. The critical election of 1987 resulted in a fragmented national party system divided by cohesive regional support for a particular party. Over the 25-year period in my study, it is transforming into a national two-party system, where major parties gain similarly dispersed electoral support across regions and grow ideologically polarized. The electoral influence of region being a constant, the economy and ideology may explain the changes in partisanship over time. The rightist party is found to own the economic issue area of maintaining price stability and economic growth, while the leftist party support is correlated with unemployment rate. There is a closer relationship between the economy and the votes in Korean elections than previously thought. As the size of the national party system converges on 2, and the leftist party gains more balanced electoral support, regional cleavage is being absorbed into party competition, most likely along the ideological divide. The party system of 1987 based on regional divide is persistent in that the alignment of the regions and political parties remains electorally relevant. There has been a crucial intervention of ideology in 2002 and 2004 elections, which accelerated the polarization at the elite level and party sorting in the mass electorate. In consequence, the Korean party system of 2012 reflects not only the electoral partnership between the two southern regions and major political parties, but also the coordination in ideology and issue positions between the parties and their constituents.

This study aims at conducting an analysis of the determinants of citizen’s distrust with the legislature by comparison between Korea and five new democracies in East Asia(Taiwan, Indonesia, Mongolia, Philippine, and Thailand).BR For a rigorous analysis, this study employs not only a logit analysis but also a structural equation model. Among the significant factors for citizen’s confidence in Korean Legislature is interpersonal trust from the cultural factors, non-partisan from the political factors, subjective status and age from social and economic factors, governmental responsiveness and equal treatment of the poor and the rich by the government.BR The empirical findings imply that it is necessary to improve citizen’s trust with political party to enhance their confidence in the legislature. Also in order to enhance interpersonal trust, interacting with citizen’s confidence in the legislature, it is necessary for the government and the legislature to conduct various anti-corrupt activities. Subjective status as the one of the significant determinants of the citizen’s confidence in the legislature identifies that relative deprivation in Korea is higher compared to the state in the level of Korean economic development.

While power asymmetry typically defines security relationships between allies, there exist other forms of asymmetry that influence alliance politics. In order to illustrate how they can shape policy outcomes that cannot be explained solely through the lens of power capabilities, the authors examine the role of relative attention that each side pays to the alliance. It is their central argument that since the client state has a greater vested interest in the alliance and given that attention depends on interest/need, the client state can leverage attention to get its way. By analysing two specific cases, the 2002 South Korean schoolgirls tragedy and the 2008 beef protests—instances where the South Koreans succeeded in compelling US concessions—the authors show that because the alliance was more central to the client state's agendas, there existed an asymmetry of attention that offered leveraging opportunities for the weaker ally. In this study, the authors emphasise the role of media attention as a key variable, and seek to contribute to debates on weaker party leverage in asymmetrical alliances.

The majority of studies on legislative professionalism have focused on Western developed countries with well-established democracies. The present study gathers data on South Korea’s local assemblies. The authors examined the applicability of established measures of legislative professionalism, which were developed mainly in the United States, to the South Korean context, and they attempted to develop a new measure of the legislative professionalism of the local assemblies in South Korea. The data included size of legislature, committee size, bureaucracy size, annual budget, financial autonomy, and the legislators’ salaries. The results of the data analysis showed that the new measure developed in this study is appropriate for use in assessing the legislative professionalism of local assemblies in South Korea; that is, legislative professionalism is a meaningful construct that explains the local assemblies of South Korea.

본 연구는 정치자금으로 정치인의 행태를 설명할 수 있다는 전제를 가지고 있다. 이 글의 목적은 실증적 데이터를 바탕으로 국회의원의 정치자금 규모와 사용내역을 분석하고 그것의 정치적 결과를 규명하는 것이다. 구체적으로 지난 19대 국회에서 의원들이 지역구 유권자들의 지지를 얻기 위하여 재임기간 동안 행했던 홍보와 조사 및 여론수렴 활동이 어떤 정치적 평판으로 귀결되고 선거 결과로 이어졌는지, 의원들의 정치자금 사용내역을 통해 검토하고자 한다. 분석 결과, 의원의 홍보 활동 중 가장 큰 비중을 차지하는 것은 의정보고서 제작 및 발송, 그리고 문자 발송이었으며, 의원의 홍보는 전문 마케팅 기업을 통해 전문적이고 체계적으로 수행되고 있었다. 그러나 지역구 지지를 얻기 위한 이러한 의원 개인의 노력에도 불구하고 의원의 홍보는 그의 호감도를 일부 상승시키는 데 다소 기여할 뿐, 의원의 정치적 평판과 득표율 상승에 가장 큰 영향을 미치는 요인은 소속 정당이었다.

이 연구는 한국 정당들의 내부에서 어떠한 방식으로 중앙당이 시·도당을 지배하고 있는지 파악하기 위한 탐색적 연구이다. 보다 구체적으로 이 연구는 정당의 분권화를 중앙당으로부터 부여된 지역조직의 자율성(autonomy)이 제고되는 것으로 정의하고, 최근에 개정된 새누리당과 더불어민주당의 당헌과 당규를 이용하여 당원의 충원과 중앙당(대의기관과 집행기관)의 구성 및 운영, 그리고 정당의 핵심기능이라고 할 수 있는 후보공천방안을 중심으로 중앙당이 얼마나 시·도당의 자율성을 제도적으로 제약하고 있는지를 분석하였다. 분석결과 여전히 한국의 주요정당들이 중앙집권적이며 분권화가 그다지 진척되지 못하고 있는 것으로 나타났다. 중앙당의 대의기구와 집행기구에 지역의 목소리를 대변할 수 있는 이들이 참여하고 있음에도 불구하고 여전히 당원의 입당과 복당을 비롯한 시･도당의 일상업무는 물론 공천과정에서 시･도당의 자율성을 침해하는 결정을 할 수 있다. 이 연구는 한국정당의 분권화는 시･도당에 대하여 실질적인 권한을 부여함으로써 진전을 이룰 수 있다고 주장한다.

This article analyzes how Korean confirmation hearings affect the quality of high-level executive branch officials appointed by a president, based on the criteria of patronage and merit. An ordered logit regression analysis was conducted on the patronage and merit of the 409 high-ranking officials appointed during the Kim Young-sam to Lee Myung-bak Administrations. The results showed that confirmation hearings did not have any effect on the patronage of high-ranking officials, but did have the effect of increasing their merit. This is probably because presidents tended to select candidates with high merit after the introduction of the confirmation hearings in order to persuade the National Assembly. These findings show that despite the institutional superiority of president, who can force appointments through in spite of the Assembly’s objection, and dysfunctional management resulting from partisan conflicts, the two authorities do compromise with each other.

Legislative responses to social changes signify how representative democracy works. Yet research is still needed to find out whether and how representatives in new democratic countries address the constituents’ interests and demands. We revisit the 18th National Assembly in Korea (2008–12) to examine legislative activities surrounding the issue of economic inequality. To understand how lawmakers in the new democracy like Korea respond to the demands of redistributive policies, we turn to representatives’ co-sponsorship behaviour. We find that Korean lawmakers do respond to constituents’ preferences. More specifically, Korean lawmakers representing conservative districts tend to care less about economic inequality than other representatives while controlling their partisanship. This study fleshes out the link between the represented and the representatives in a new democracy where party discipline at the expense of constituency connection has long dominated legislative politics.

Abstract Regional bloc voting in South Korea has been ascribed to voters’ psychological attachments to birthplace. This article seeks to expand the existing discussion of regionalism by showing that economic conditions in voters’ places of residence affect vote choices at the individual level and produce clustering of votes at the aggregate level in South Korea. While the idea of residence-based regionalism has previously been suggested, empirical scrutiny of the idea has been limited. Exploiting a Bayesian multilevel strategy, this article provides evidence that short-term economic changes at the province level affected voters’ choices in the 2007 presidential election in South Korea, independent of the long-term political affiliation between regional parties and their constituents. The positive association between local economic conditions and vote choices remains significant, controlling for perceptions of national economic conditions and other individual level covariates such as age and political attitudes.

Japan-South Korean relations have been consistently hindered by political and social reminders regarding their shared history that includes Japan’s violent occupation of Korea in the 20th century. However, relations had been improving into the 21st century until now, where positive relations and cooperation appear to be at a standstill regardless of the expectation that they would have grown closer given current events. This paper explains the motivations for the lack of a fully realized cooperative relationship between the two nations using the following explanations: dysfunctional political parties in South Korea benefits politically from pushing emotional anti-Japan rhetoric to a typically disaffected voting base; Japan is no longer viewed as being as critical an economic partner compared to China; and this anti-Japan rhetoric has no substantial pushback or reaction from the Japanese government and public.

Summary The disbanding of the Maritime Police was the Korean President's political attempt to avoid blame after the Sewol ferry accident. Under the government reorganization bill, which was drafted by the government and submitted to the National Assembly, the Maritime Police will be renamed the Maritime Safety Agency and put under the control of the newly created ministry of national safety. Furthermore, the Maritime Police's investigation and intelligence functions will be transferred to the National Police Agency, and its roles of rescue operations and maritime security will be moved to the new national safety body. The reality of this policing reform is closer to “organization succession” than it is to “organization termination.” Borrowing the concept of blame avoidance, we will examine the nature, causes, and consequences of the blame observed in this process of policing reform, which is intertwined with the historical background of the developmental state in South Korea. In this study, we expect to acquire important lessons about how the reformation of police organizations was used by the Korean government as an instrument for responding to disaster by providing new insights into the study of the complex forms of political interactions among multiple stakeholders in times of crisis. In particular, we will try to understand the causes and effects of this extreme case, the Sewol ferry accident, and the subsequent disintegration of the Maritime Police Agency through the perspective of the Korean police bureaucracy and the developmental states. Copyright © 2016 John Wiley &amp; Sons, Ltd.

Despite a growing interest in adaptation and indigenization in the process of policy transfer, less attention has been paid to communication with domestic stakeholders in borrower countries and its impact on policy success. This study aims to highlight how feedback from domestic stakeholders can be a vital part of the transfer process and the ways in which it can contribute to the policy transfer heuristic. The South Korean adaptation of Arts Council England is explored from two perspectives: (1) borrower – lender communication, and (2) borrower – stakeholder communication. Interviews with key transfer actors from the Korean side are drawn upon along with newspaper reports, National Assembly records and grey literature from government organizations in England and Korea. The findings reveal that, despite a clear understanding of the functioning of the English policy, the Korean government’s efforts were less successful due to disagreements arising from stakeholders’ interpretation of the arm’s length principle.

In this paper, we use index for measuring homogeneous distribution of political funds in the 19SUPth/SUP Korean National Assembly Election which includes region homogeneity as well as party homogeneity. This study uses the National Election Commission’s official political finance data for the 19SUPth/SUP National Assembly Election to analyze homogeneous distribution of Campaign finance income, campaign expenditure, and campaign contribution. The empirical results indicate that Saenuri Party shows heterogeneous distribution of political funds in Gwangju and Jeonnam provinces. On the other hand, Democratic United Party and Liberty Forward Party show the most heterogeneous distribution in Daegu and Gyeongbuk provinces. The results also show that the campaign contribution has an influence on homogeneous distribution of political funds, comparing candidates’ assets and funds provided by parties which are another classified election finance. In addition, The results show that regional homogeneity index of political funds has the lowest score at Yeungnam, Honam, and Choongchung provinces.

This article investigates the politics of ‘defamilialization of care’ in four familialist countries – Italy, Japan, Korea and Spain – during the past 15 years. By ‘defamilialization of care’, we refer to those public policies, which aim at reducing the care responsibility of the family – both for the young and the old. We build upon the existing literature on new social risks by highlighting the role of those macro-political institutions such as electoral systems and government types in order to demonstrate that there are two very different types of politics of defamilialization: (1) election-oriented and (2) problem-oriented. We attribute different policy outcomes in the four familialist countries to their specific institutional configurations rather than to partisan government composition or different cultural orientations.

The year 2015 featured real and metaphorical battles in South Korea: face-offs between the executive and the legislature saw President Park Geun-hye duel with the non-Park faction in the ruling Saenuri Party and fend off the opposition, whose alliance struggled with infighting and subsequent fractures. The government waged war against a health epidemic and exchanged artillery fire with North Korea at the Demilitarized Zone. The by-elections in April 2015 augur the political stage for pending elections in 2016 and 2017.

Recent studies on the Indonesian Constitutional Court have praised the Court for its success in shaping the Indonesian electoral process. This study, however, argues that the Court was only structured to perform a quasi-weak form of review. In many cases, the Court has refused to invalidate the impugned statute but had only requested the government to follow the Court’s interpretation or prescribed certain directives for the government to apply.

This article examines the nature and trends of economic inequality in Korean society in terms of “dualization” trends in three dimensions: the labor market, social welfare, and political power. First, for the labor market, the article analyzes the various differences in income and access to vocational training between standard and non-standard workers. Secondly, it examines social welfare divides between standard and non-standard workers. Finally, it traces the changes in union membership and the rate of election abstention among the different population groups. There are clear divides in the labor market, social welfare and political power between “insiders” and “outsiders.” These results confirm previous theories that suggested that a high level of protection for insiders and lack of an active labor market policy (ALMP) lead to a high level of dualization. However, this article also suggests that more sophisticated analysis is required to grasp the different dimensions of dualization and its broader consequences.

Leaders have an important role in initiating and shaping the democratization process. Formal and informal structures within the political system constrain possible options requiring leaders to exercise agency to manage expectations and facilitate change. This article examines the actions of F.W. de Klerk (South Africa) and Roh Tae Woo (South Korea) in initiating processes that eventually led to the consolidation of democratic political systems. The aims of the article are: (1) to identify the array of opportunities and threats faced by the two leaders; and (2) to determine the effect of regime form in shaping these structural factors. Drawing on previous work on the role of leadership in democratization, the analysis focuses on four factors: authority, institutions, opposition and continuity. To assess decisions made in the distinct political contexts the article examines how the respective structural configuration (one-party and military) was managed.

이 연구는 1위대표제(firsr-past-the post: FPTP)에서 혼합형비례대표제(Mixed-Member Proportional System: MMP)로의 제도개혁에 성공한 뉴질랜드를 대상으로 선거제도 개혁 과정과 성공요인을 분석하고 한국에서의 선거제도 개혁에 주는 시사점을 제시하는데 목적이 있다. 이 연구는 뉴질랜드 선거제도 개혁과정에서 행위자들의 역할에 초점을 맞춰 선거제도 개혁의 성공요인을 분석하였다. 그 결과 뉴질랜드 선거제도 개혁의 성공요인은 독립적이고 중립적인 선거제도 개혁 위원회, 선거제도 개혁을 위한 시민조직과 언론, 그리고 국민이 직접 선호하는 선거제도를 선택할 수 있는 국민투표를 지적할 수 있다.

2016년 국회의원 선거는 박근혜 정부 임기 중반에 실시되었다는 점에서 중간평가적 속성을 가질 수 있었지만, 선거 과정이나 선거 결과는 그렇게 나타나지 않았다. 이 글은 대통령 임기 중반에 실시된 선거가 어떤 이유에서 박근혜 정부에 대한 회고적 평가로 이어지지 않았는지 그 원인을 찾아보고자 하는 것이다. 이 글의 주장은 회고적 투표이든 중간 평가이든 평가가 내려지기 위해서는 유권자의 관심과 주목을 끄는상징적이거나 구체적인 사건이나 정책 이슈가 필요하다는 것이다. 그런 점에서 이 글에서 주목하는 사실은 선거 이슈의 부재이다. 실제 경험 분석을 행한 결과 유권자들 다수의 주목을 끈 이슈는 없었다. 이와 같은 쟁점 부재는 전통적 지지층을 결집시킬 수 있는 정파적 결속력을 약화시켰고, 이는 각 정당의 전통적 지지층에게 투표 결정의 1차적 관심이 자신이 지지해 온 정당에 대한 평가가 되도록 이끌었다. 2016년 국회의원 선거에서 나타난 승자 없는 선거라는 결과는 바로 이런 이유에서 생겨나게 된 것이다.\n\nThis article explores why retrospective voting did not occur even though the timing of the 2016 National Assembly Election was in the middle of the 5 year term of President Park Geun Hye. This article argues that due to the lack of salient election issues two major parties could not gather partisan support. Rather it undermined partisan cohesiveness, causing defection and abstention. There was few salient issues in the 2016 election. It was Saenuri party and Democratic Party of Korea respectively, not President Park that voters evaluated retrospectively. Controversies over candidate selection process and intra-party factional conflicts made supporters of each party disaffected, and contributed to the rise of a new party.

특별교부세 배분과정에서의 정치적 영향력에 대한 선행연구는 제한된 자료 활용과 분석방법의 한계가 존재한다. 특히 2009년부터 특별교부세의 투명성과 절차적 합리성이 강화되면서 특별교부세 배분과정에서 나타나는 정치적 영향력을 재검토할 필요성이 높아지게 되었다. 이 연구는 2007년부터 2013년까지 특별교부세 배분 내역을 대상으로 특별교부세 배분에서 가장 중요한 요인으로 평가받는 국회 안전행정위원회 소속 여부와 지방자치단체장의 여당 소속 여부를 중심으로 정치적 영향력을 검증하였다. 분석결과에 따르면, 지역구 국회의원의 안전행정위원회 소속 여부와 자치단체장의 여당 소속 여부만으로는 특별교부세 배분에 유의미한 증액이 나타나지 않았다. 이러한 결과는 특별교부세 배분에 대한 정치적 영향력이 기존 연구에 비해 낮아졌고, 보다 합리적인 배분이 이루어지고 있음을 의미할 수 있다. The influence of political power on the allocation of Special Revenue Sharing (SRS) has been analyzed by previous studies over years but some limitations still exist for generalizing those findings. Thus, further research needs to be conducted for better understanding of the effects of political factors on SRS allocation, because Korean government has strengthened procedural rationality and transparency in SRS allocation since 2009. This paper examines the effects of political power on the allocation of SRS, using the panel data covering 2007 to 2013. Especially, it pays more attentions to the characteristics of mayors in local jurisdictions and the Security &amp; Public Administration Committee in National Assembly, which have been recognized as crucial factors in previous research. According to empirical results, the political power of the committee and mayors does not statistically affect SRS allocation among local jurisdictions. Consequently, our findings imply that SRS might be distributed on more rational basis than on political basis.

한국 선거에서 경제 투표의 영향에 대해 그동안 많은 연구들이 이루어졌으나, 기존의 연구들은 거의 예외 없이 횡단면 데이터(cross-sectional data)의 분석에 의존하였다. 그러나 최근의 경험적 연구들은 경제 투표의 영향을 패널 데이터 분석(panel data analysis) 등을 통해 보다 엄밀하게 분석할 필요가 있다는 것을 보여준다. 이 연구는 EAI 총선대선패널조사, 2012를 이용하여 지난 2012년 대통령 선거 시기(4월 말 - 12월 말)에 나타난 유권자들의 후보 지지, 정당 지지, 경제 상황에 대한 인식 등의 변화를 추적하고, 이러한 경제 인식이 후보 선택과 후보 호오도에 미친 영향을 고정효과(fixed effects) 분석 등 표준적인 패널 데이터 분석을 통해 살펴보았다. 분석 결과, 지난 대통령 선거 기간 동안 유권자들의 후보 지지의 변화, 즉 주요 후보에 대한 계속 지지, 지지 이탈, 지지 합류 및 후보에 대한 호오도의 변화는 정당 지지의 변화와는 밀접한 관련이 있었지만 경제 인식의 변화와는 상관이 없었던 것으로 나타났다. 이것은 지난 대통령 선거에서 경제 투표의 영향이 거의 없었거나 매우 제한적이었다는 것을 의미한다. 이러한 결과는 기존의 연구 결과들과 상당히 다른 것으로, 한국 선거에서 경제 투표의 영향이 실제보다 과대평가되었을 가능성이 높다는 것을 시사한다.

이 논문은 선거민주주의의 형식이 유지되고 있으되 선거가 실제로 민주적 대표와 경쟁의 제도로 기능할 수 있게끔 하는 제반 요건이 충족되지 않는 혼합 정치체제의 문제틀에 기초하여, 멀리는 1987년 민주화 개시 이후 한국 정치의 한계, 가까이는 이명박, 박근혜 정권 9년 동안 한국 민주주의의 퇴행을 분석한다. 특히 선거체제가 입헌․법치주의에 얼마나 착근되었는지를 주목하는 ‘착근된 민주주의’(embedded democracy)와 ‘결손 민주주의’(defective democracy)의 이론에 의거하여, 한국 민주주의가 87년 이후 전통적인 위임 민주주의의 한계를 극복하지 못한 가운데 점차 비자유 민주주의, 배제적 민주주의, 나아가 후원 민주주의의 문제까지 포함하는 총체적 결손을 갖게 되었다고 주장한다. 이와 같은 한국형 결손 민주주의의 가장 큰 특징은 대통령과 청와대를 정점으로 하는 극단적 권력집중의 제도구조가 권위주의 정치세력의 선거 승리와 만나면서 민주주의 퇴행이 급속히 이뤄졌다는 데 있다. 그에 상응하여 ‘촛불’의 시민정치는 통치권력의 정점인 대통령과 ‘국민’, ‘시민’ 등 추상적 집단주체의 상징이 첨예하게 대립하는 양상을 반복하는 패턴을 보인다. 문제해결의 열쇠는 단지 정권교체나 내각제 개헌 등 정치제도의 형식적 개편이 아니라, 한편으로 권력남용의 핵심 자원인 검경, 국정원, 감사원, 국세청 등 조직적 수단과 인사제도 등 제도적 기제를 집중적으로 개혁하고, 다른 한편으로 국가기관과 사회부문에서 권위주의 세력의 인적 청산을 실현하는 데 있다.

The objective of this Article is to review the Penal Code Revision Bills initiated by legislators in the 19th National Assembly. Assemblymen submitted...

이 논문은 2013년 캄보디아 국회 선거를, 선거제도, 정당, 선거운동, 투표율 및 선거결과에 따른 캄보디아 정치 변화에 대한 함의를 중심으로 분석한 것이다. 2013년 7월 선거는 캄보디아의 정치적 풍경에 대변혁이 있으리라는 신호를 보냈다. 1993년 다당제 선거가 재도입된 이후 처음으로 캄보디아인민당(CPP)에 대한 지속적 투표율 증가 추세가 깨졌다. 정치적 경쟁은 이제 경쟁적 두 블록 사이의 극단적 대결로 결정화되어 CPP의 집권에 처음으로 믿을 만한 도전을 제공했다. 2013년 선거에 따른 역동성이 장기적 변화로 이어지든지 또는 억압되든지 간에, 2013년은 획기적 해임은 분명하다. 이 논문은 사회적 문제에 대한 CPP 정부의 실패가 캄보디아구국당(CNRP)으로 하여금 신뢰를 얻도록 만들었고, 삼랑시당(SRP)과 인권당(HRP)의 캄보디아구국당으로의 성공적 통합, 야당의 7대 대중선언과 토지횡령, 강제퇴거, 불법 벌목 및 산림 황폐화, 베트남으로부터의 불법 이주 등 부패 척결 약속, 그리고 영토주권 보호(베트남과의 영토 문제) 등이 CNRP의 인기 상승에 기여하였다고 주장한다. 선거는 캄보디아 정치 변동에 중요한 영향을 미친다.

이 연구는 19대 총선에 재출마한 현직의원을 분석대상으로 하여, 그들의 득표율 변화에 영향을 미친 요인을 검증한다. 분석 결과 현직의원의 선거안정도, 지역?정당 교차변수, 공천방식 등이 유권자의 투표선택에 유의미한 영향을 미치는 것으로 나타났다. 이전 선거인 18대 총선에서 차점자와의 득표차가 적어 재선이 불확실했던 의원일수록 19대 총선에서의 득표율이 증가하는 경향이 발견되었고, 특정 지역에서 패권을 유지하는 정당의 공천을 받은 의원일수록 재선에 유리한 것으로 확인되었다. 또한 제한적이지만 상향식의 경선을 경험한 의원일수록 유권자의 선택을 받을 가능성이 높아지는 것으로 나타났다.BR 반면, 현직의원의 선수, 입법활동 수준 등은 득표율 변화에 미치는 영향이 미약하거나 거의 없는 것으로 나타났다. 특히 초선?재선의원일수록 차점자와의 득표차가 적은 의원일수록 입법활동에 적극적인 경향은 발견되었으나, 이러한 현직의원의 행태가 유권자의 투표행위로 연결되지는 못하였다. 이러한 결과는 현직의원의 입법활동에 대한 유권자의 평가가 아직은 투표행태로 연결되지 못함을 보여주는 것이다.

This paper examines the ‘Pusan Political Crisis’ through Australian archival documents. Though Australia was a member of the UNTCOK (United Nations Temporary Commission on Korea), it opposed the strategy of the US to establish a divided government in Korea. Thus, Australia paid sharp attention to the political situation in Korea as it took part in the UNCURK (United Nations Commission for the Unification and Rehabilitation of Korea). The scramble for power broke out in Pusan, which was the ROK’s interim wartime capital. The president was to be elected by the National Assembly according to the Constitution, but the majority of National Assembly members didn’t support Syngman Rhee. Thus, he intended to change over to a direct presidential election system to win re-election. The members of the National Assembly opposed to Syngman Rhee appealed to the Australian diplomat to assist in preventing Rhee formally becoming a dictator. Although the Australian diplomat sincerely desired to intervene in this event due to his belief in and desire for adherence to democratic principles he was to some extent reluctant to do so as he did not have specific orders and to interfere in the domestic affairs of a sovereign was not a step to be taken lightly. Plimsoll was also fully aware of the propaganda victory it would give the Soviet Union-the UNO removing the head of state of a country it had brought into being. Eventually Rhee concluded this crisis by proclaiming martial law and arresting his opponents in the National Assembly.

국민대표기관으로서의 국회는 행정부를 견제하고 감독하는 기능, 국민의 다양한 이해와 갈등을 조정하고 통합하는 기능, 사회적 현안의 문제를 입법화하는 입법기능 등의 기능을 수행하고 있다. 이러한 다양한 기능 중에서 입법기능이 국회의 가장 본질적인 기능이라 할 것이다. 우리 국회는 의원입법의 대폭적인 증가를 통하여 이러한 입법기능의 활성화를 꾀하고 있다. 최근 국회사무처 법제실의 보도자료에 따르면 국회사무처 법제실이 의원실로부터 법률안 입안을 의뢰받은 건수가 제19대 국회 개원(2012년 5월 30일) 이후 2년 5개월 이 지난 2014년 11월 4일부로 총20,000건을 돌파하였다고 한다. 이는 지난 제18대 국회의 같은 기간(2008년 5월 30~2010년 11월 4일) 법률안 의뢰건수인 7.024건과 비교하여 약 2,8배가 증가한 수치이다. 의원입법의 양적 증가는 궁극적으로 질적인 수준을 제고한다는 점에서 바람직한 현상이라 할 것이지만, 제출된 법률안의 내용을 면면히 살펴보면 정치적 고려에 수반된 인기영합적 입법, 같은 내용의 중복입법 등의 비중이 대폭적 증가한 것이거나 또는 소수 몇 개의 조문의 개정을 통하여 의원의 의정평가결과를 높이기 위한 내용 없는 졸속입법과 입법관여자의 전문성 부족으로 인한 부실입법이라는 새로운 문제를 등장시키고 있다. 의원입법의 대폭적인 증가의 추세에 있어서 가장 바람직한 것은 그에 상응하는 의원의 입법능력 겸비라 할 것이다.BR 그러나 현실에 있어서는 국회는 입법기관으로서의 기능뿐만 아니라 다양한 이해관계를 대변하는 국민대표기관이라는 점에서 국회의원 개개인이 이와 같은 입법능력을 다 갖추고 있기를 기대하기는 어렵다. 이러한 현실에서 의원입법의 질적 수준의 제고를 위하여서는 국회의원들이 입법활동에 있어서 다양한 분야의 입법지식을 제공하고 있는 국회입법지원조직의 기능을 보다 강화하고 이를 통하여 효율성을 제고하는 방안을 찾아야 한다. 우리의 경우 국회입법지원조직으로서는 국회사무처에 전문위원실과 법제실, 국회도서관, 국회예산정책처 및 국회입법조사처 등 5개의 지원조직을 두고 있다. 최근 들어 의원입법의 대폭적인 증가의 추세에 비추어 그 인원의 증원이 이루어지 않고 있는 현재의 입법지원조직인원으로는 그 수요를 다 감당하기에는 역부족이라 할 것이다. 의원입법증가에 능동적이고 효율적으로 대처할 수 있는 국회입법지원조직의 효율성을 제고 하고 그 기능을 강화하기 방안으로서는 첫째, 적재적소에 필요한 인력을 증강하는 방안, 둘째, 이러한 증강을 전제로 하는 업무의 효율성을 높일 수 있 시스템의 구축 및 개선에 의한 방안이 있다. 입법지원조직의 기능이 강화되면 될수록 그 만큼의 최적의 법률을 만들 수 있게 되어 이는 곧 국가의 정책의 효율성을 제고하며 국민들의 복리증진에 기여하게 된다는 점에서 전문인력의 증강과 시스템의 구축은 매우 시급한 과제라 할 것이다.

This study carried out a survey targeting sample of 609 audience panel voters of 15 regions including Seoul during the campaign period of Korean Presidential election on December 19, 2012. The survey methods are telephone questioning and specialists FGI. And the analysis methods are frequency analysis, factor analysis and regression analysis. The research project is to analyze correlation and difference in the engagement factors such as interest, immersion, correlation, satisfaction and participation in order to analyze the most contacted media and the inclination of the voters. The result shows that the voters watched the debates of the candidates most and political news next. The frequency of “no use” was the highest and the cacao story was used most among the telecommunication methods. The most contacted media is TV broadcasting and the placard next. TV is the most reliable among the mass media. And it was analyzed that the engagement factors have no correlation each other. There is no difference in interaction of the type of media with political involvement, gender, age, region, job and income but there is difference in correlation and satisfaction according to the education level.Keywords: Election, Engagement, Media, Political Campaign, Voter

This study aims to show how the collective memories of industrialization and dictatorship Korean baby boomers experienced in the formative period of political socialization have unconscious effect on Korea’s political process. Research findings include: First, baby boomers have preferences for strong leaders-moderate civil society relationship. This is in line with the positive collective memory of President Park Chung Hee, who led industrialization and remarkable economic growth based on his authoritarian rule. Second, political choice of baby boomers in their lifetime voting since 1987 manifested a regional cleavage between Honam and non-Honam. This shows the unconscious effect of their sense of belonging to a political party and regional identity, formed according to the division into Honam and non-Honam regions. Third, baby boomers from non-Honam attacked progressive or critical political parties and social forces in a manner similar to the way President Park Chung Hee ruled using anticommunism to justify violence and oppression against political opposition forces. The above discussions reveal the need to consider not just political generation as a social movement force, but also the “unconscious” political generation that influences political process by their political values and faith.

Competence judgments based on facial appearance predict election results in Western countries, which indicates that these inferences contribute to decisions with social and political consequence. Because trait inferences are less pronounced in Asian cultures, such competence judgments should predict Asian election results less accurately than they do Western elections. In the study reported here, we compared Koreans’ and Americans’ competence judgments from face-to-trait inferences for candidates in U.S. Senate and state gubernatorial elections and Korean Assembly elections. Perceived competence was a far better predictor of the outcomes of real elections held in the United States than of elections held in Korea. When deciding which of two candidates to vote for in hypothetical elections, however, Koreans and Americans both voted on the basis of perceived competence inferred from facial appearance. Combining actual and hypothetical election results, we conclude that for Koreans, competence judgments from face-to-trait inferences are critical in voting only when other information is unavailable. However, in the United States, such competence judgments are substantially important, even in the presence of other information.

In this paper, I consider the transitions of Taiwan and South Korea to democracy. Specifically, I study why citizens in these newly democratic systems engage in conventional forms of participation as an indicator of consolidation. Using much of the existing literature on participation, I test hypotheses that frame the decisions to participate through conventional forms as a function of internal feelings of efficacy, or political engagement, mobilization by parties and social capital. I use a series of hierarchical linear models to assess Waves 2 and 3 data from the 2005–2010 Asian Barometer and find considerable support for political engagement, party attachment, and social connections in spurring on participation. In addition, while respondents offer limited support for democratic institutions, they espouse liberal attitudes; this reflects the large presence of “critical citizens” in these places (Norris 1999; Chu and Huang 2010). Though fragile, there are indications of meaningful democratic progress in Taiwan and South Korea.

This paper explains the reason why the hitherto statist country, Korea, has carried out significant decentralization since the 2000s. In explaining the motivation for decentralization, extant literature has focused on the role of parties, bureaucratic politics, democratization, or territorial interests. Yet there is still limited explanation of how the decentralization laws in Korea could be successfully passed in the 2000s, while cental stakeholders still persisted. By tracing the process of decentralization reform in the 2000s, this article demonstrates how structural factors created favourable circumstances and discursive background for institutional change, and how the idea of decentralization, through the idea diffusion mechanism, gave directions for central decision makers to produce a specific path of reform strategies. It also pays attention to the formation of ‘practical authority’ for reform politicians that made it possible to overcome obdurate resistance from central bureaucrats and politicians.

This paper aims at examining whether or not regional voting behavior disappears in Korean politics. Regional voting behavior has been one of crucial factors to affect election outcomes in Korea, thereby suffering from regional conflicts. A series of recent studies shows, however, that it may fade away. Utilizing from 1995 to 2010 gubernatorial elections, it shows that regional voting behavior remains to be a significant element in Korean elections. It concludes that Korean politics is still suffering from regional fragmentation.

This article explores legislative voting behaviour in the regional party system where electoral competition is based primarily on geographic divisions instead of national public policies. An analysis of roll-call votes in the National Assembly of the Republic of Korea from 2000 to 2008 reveals that in the regionalized context, legislative voting unity is high because legislators are disciplined to receive endorsement from their regional champion party. Those legislators are far more disciplined when voting on pork legislation. Nonetheless, as the socioeconomic status of constituents rises and the constituents thus care more about policy than pork, then opposition legislators tend to vote against their parties more often. Conversely, governing-party members are more disciplined to pass bills where voters often desire policy over pork. This study suggests a powerful interaction between party affiliations and voter demands as a dominant electoral strategic tool in the regional party system.

Since Kim Jong-un’s assumption of power following Kim Jong-il’s death in December 2011, some changing trends have been noted when compared to the Kim Jong-il period. Kim Jong-un has enforced a power shift from the military to the party and subsequent reduction of the military’s political influence. Additionally, he has emphasized the general enhancement of the navy and air force. Acutely aware that North Korea’s military policy is closely related to the regime’s subsistence, some has expected that these new situations orchestrated by the supreme leader would be influential to North Korea’s military policy. With particular focus on the regime’s development of nuclear weapons and asymmetric capabilities, this article is to explore Kim Jong-un’s military policy. The process of nuclearization has been buttressed by the absolute attention of the North Korean leadership notwithstanding the growing interest in improving people’s economy. Also, the development of asymmetric capabilities has been sustained by Kim Jong-un’s explicit intention to use such capabilities. Therefore, North Korea’s military policy under Kim Jong-un’s rule is not exceedingly different from the legacy of his father’s leadership but rather steps it up further.

This paper attempts to analyze the patterns of party-government relations and to explore the distinct features of party-government relation after the establishment of Korean government. To do so, this paper, based on the narrowly-defined notion of party-government relations and co-variations between the party-government relationship and the democratization of political parties, mainly focuses on institutional arrangements officially coded in a form of government regulation as well as, though not often, on various types of unofficial activities undertaken by the government or political parties. In conclusion, this paper finds that in Korea party-government relations demonstrate a consistency that contrasts sharply with the very dynamic nature of Korean politics. The shift in power from the conservative regime to a liberal or progressive regime shook the government-centered orientation of the established party-government structure. The 1987 democratic event contributed to reduce the government’s control over the ruling party in the policy-making process. Since the Roh Tae-Woo Presidency, the type of party-government relations had been quickly changed from Government-Led(Hybrid II type) under the Roh Tae-Woo presidency to Party-Led or Party-Dominant(Hybrid II type) relations under the Roh Moo-Hyun presidency. On the contrary, the Lee Myung-Bak presidency has continuously pursued the drastic reversal of party-government relations from Party-Led or Party-Dominant relation to Government-Dominant or Government-Led relation. However, President Lee Myung-Baks effort to restore the government-dominant or the government-led relationship was faced with serious challenges from the ruling party itself.

Recently, there has been an increase in the number of scholars focusing on why voters around the world differ in their evaluations of electoral integrity. One group of scholars contends that perceived electoral integrity is determined by partisan status according to election results. Another group claims that individual perception of election quality is influenced by such political cues as institutional support for election management bodies. Although the two groups have developed this subject differently, they both underestimate the degree to which the election process affects electoral integrity. Based on the theory of procedural justice, this study argues that the more problems citizens see in the electoral process, the more negatively they tend to rate elections. An analysis of a public opinion survey conducted immediately after the December 2012 presidential election in South Korea provides credible evidence for our theoretical expectations and presents an important implication for elections of new democracies in a comparative perspective.

This article analyses the disputed election of President Park Geun-hye and her administration’s confrontation of left-nationalist politicians and other social movements during her first year in office. We argue that the Park administration’s policies resonate with contemporary discussions of “post-democratisation,” a process whereby social rights are increasingly subordinated to market logics and state power insulated from popular challenges. Under the conservative governments of Lee Myung-bak and Park Geun-hye, this process has been animated by a mode of confrontation known in South Korea as “politics by public security.” This politics targets social conflict and political dissent as threats to national security and has involved both illegal interventions by state institutions – such as the 2012 electoral interference by state agencies including the National Intelligence Service – and a cultural politics that affirms but revises the narrative of Korean democratisation by obfuscating the nature of the democracy movement and by attempting to restore the honour of conservative forces associated with former dictatorships. In order to better understand this conjuncture, we explore its origin within a tacit alliance between both former public security prosecutors-cum-conservative politicians and a movement of conservative intellectuals known as the New Right.

North Korea's alleged admission of a highly enriched uranium program in October 2002 sparked the second nuclear crisis on the Korean peninsula, openly accelerating North Korea's nuclear weapons development program. It is estimated that the DPRK already has six or seven nuclear devices. Furthermore, Pyongyang officially announced on February 10, 2005 that it had nuclear weapons. The North Korean nuclear issue -a serious international issue as it is undoubtedly the most important obstacle to the Korean peace processneeds to be resolved as soon as possible peacefully through diplomatic negotiations at the six-party talks! a resolution that the Bush administration insists can only be arrived at through the six-party process. This article analyzes and evaluates the six party talks in detail, viewing them as a mechanism providing a multilateral framework for resolving the North Korean nuclear issue. The author argues that the six-party process is the best means to resolve the North Korean nuclear dispute, and further maintains that bilateral talks between the U.S. and North Korea are essential to a resolution of North Korea's nuclear standoff peacefully and diplomatically. Both need to engage in direct negotiations without preconditions through the six-party talks however, while at the same time avoiding the risk of adopting hard-line policies that cannot resolve the nuclear issue peacefully. Therefore, both sides need to be flexible about their respective positions and demonstrate This content downloaded from 157.55.39.173 on Thu, 19 May 2016 05:02:26 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 2 THE JOURNAL OF EAST ASIAN AFFAIRS the political will to compromise. This article has three specific goals: (1) to evaluate the fourth and fifth rounds of the six-party talks in terms of a multilateral framework for resolving the nuclear issue; (2) to take a closer look at U.S. financial sanctions against North Korea and the positions of concerned parties; and (3) to make policy recommendations for implementing the 9.19 joint statement to realize a denuclearized Korean peninsula.

The 17th presidential race in South Korea (2012) resulted in the election of Conservative Saenuri Party candidate Park Geun-hye—the daughter of the country's longest ruling dictator Park Chung-hee—defeating her progressive rival Moon Jae-in of the Democratic United Party. This article analyses the results of the presidential election and its aftermath and thereby identifies problems and challenges for Korea's democratic consolidation. By focusing on three sets of issues in the consolidation of democracy—(1) democratic accountability, (2) policy responsiveness and (3) political legitimacy—I discuss the ways in which the political institutions do or do not live up to public expectations.

국회의 입법활동 중 법률안의 결정에 대한 시계열적이고 계량적이고 거시적인 분석이 미진한 가운데, 국회회기를 기본 단위로 제헌국회 이후 현 19대 국회의 337회기까지 법률안의 채택과 불채택에 대한 결정요인을 분석하고자 하였다. 특히 법률안의 통과양태 즉 원안가결, 수정가결, 불수용, 철회라는 4가지 의사결정의 측면으로 나누어 고찰하였다. 분석결과 행정부 발의 및 위원장 발의 등의 발의권자 변수는 원안가결의 처리결정에 대한 영향력이 강하였다. 수정가결에는 본 연구의 이용 변수 이외에 다양한 요인이 작용하고 있는 것으로 분석된다. 다양한 변수들이 철회기간을 지체시키고 있었으며, 불수용이라는 결정이 발생하면 처리기간은 매우 짧은 것으로 분석된다. 법률안의 처리결정과 처리기간이라는 두 가지 종속변수에 대해서는 위원장이 발의한 법률안은 원안가결에 영향이 강하면서 법률안의 처리기간을 줄였다. 행정부에 의해 발의되거나 여소야대 국회에서 발의된 법률안의 사전조율이 잘 된 경우 통과에 어려움이 없지만, 그 반대로 실패할 경우에는 수정되거나 통과를 위한 처리시간이 늘어남을 알 수 있다. 국회는 정태적인 입법안의 의사결정의 장이 아니라 동태적인 논의의 장이다. 최근 회기로 올수록 원안가결, 수정가결, 철회의 의사결정 속도가 빨라지고 법안통과가 가속화되고 있어 국회의 입법안 결정의 생산성은 높아지고 있어 바람직하지만, 충분히 숙고되지 않거나 사전조율되지 않은 법률안은 도태될 운명인 것으로 나타났다. 법률안의 제출 전에 보다 긴 시간을 가지고 논의하여 되도록 원안가결이 될 수 있는 좋은 법안이 제안·통과되어 다양한 불협화음을 줄어들기 기대해 본다.

The purpose of this study is to explore the effect of electoral politics on macroeconomic and distributive policy in East Asian “developmental states” using empirical evidence from South Korea. Based on existing theories of political budget cycles (PBCs) and distributive politics, this study examines how democratization affects the pattern and degree of political budget cycles and targeted spending. Contrary to the bureaucracy dominance thesis in developmental state theory, I argue that authoritarian leaders in Korea had incentives to manipulate macroeconomic conditions before elections to increase the ruling party’s urban representation. The incentives for PBCs and targeted spending under authoritarian rule were, of course, smaller than that under democracy, but the constraints on PBCs and targeted spending were also smaller under authoritarian rule. I find that PBCs occurred in Korea before and after democratization and that democratization did not affect the degree of PBCs in statistical terms. Based on these findings, I conclude that the increased constraints (checks and balances) offset the increased incentives (electoral competition) after democratization. This study also pays attention to the institutional variables that shape incumbent’s preference regarding tactical allocation: the N=2 Single Non-Transferable Vote (SNTV) system under authoritarian rule adopted to increase ruling party’s urban representation; the five-year single term presidency under democracy that led the president’s goal to focus on preempting early lame-duck status and obtaining a graceful retirement. Based on the analysis of the institutional effect on identifying target group, I demonstrate that the main target for the incumbents during the authoritarian period was swing voters in urban areas, while the main targets for the incumbents during the democratic period were both the incumbent’s core support group and opposition backers.

본 논문은 19대 국회의원 선거 결과를 바탕으로 국회의원의 입법활동이 의원의 재당선에 어떠한 영향을 주는 가에 대해 분석하였다. 먼저 19대 국회의원 선거 결과를 중심으로 분석한 결과, 예상과 달리 현직 효과의 주요 원인이 될 수 있는 의원의 입법활동은 재당선에 직접적인 영향을 주지는 않는 것으로 나타났다. 추가로 의원의 입법활동은 정당별 공천 여부에도 영향을 미치지 못한 것으로 분석되었다. 둘째, 후보자 요인으로서 지역구 특별교부금 변수와 정치후원금 변수는 재당선에 정(+)의 영향을 미치는 것으로 추정되었다. 셋째, 후보자 요인이외에도 여전히 지역주의적 정당 요인이 재당선에 강한 영향력을 행사하고 있는 것으로 나타났다. 결론적으로 의원의 입법활동의 중요성이 강조되고 있음에도 최근 치러진 19대 국회의원 선거에서 의원의 입법활동이 공천과 재당선에 실질적인인 영향을 주지 못한 것으로 나타났다. 엄정한 이론적 논의와 더불어 분석 대상을 확대한 자료 및 타당한 측정변수에 기초한 실증분석을 통해 일반화된 이론적·실증적 논의의 도출이 필요할 것으로 보인다.

Over the past fifteen years, South Korea has transformed itself from an authoritarian government into a new democracy with a vibrant capitalist economy. Modernization, democratization, and globalization have played important roles in this transformation, and have greatly influenced the programs and policies of Korea's Sixth Republic. Covering developments through the 2003 elections, this book shows how the South Korean government and society have been shaped not only by the dynamics of these forces, but also by their interaction with the cultural norms of a post-Confucian society. The author provides a conceptual framework and baseline for examining political developments in Korea, and offers an analysis of the factors that are transforming Korean institutions, society, and politics. He discusses the forces shaping Korea's political economy and the performance of successive ROK governments, and also highlights the challenges faced by the newly elected administration of Roh Moo Huan, the North Korean issue, and more.

본 논문은 현행 국회의원 선거구획정 기준인 선거구 ‘인구수’를 기준으로 선거구획정의 왜곡도를 정치적 지니계수와 획정지수의 분산계수를 이용하여 측정하고자 한다. 측정 결과 인구기준으로 측정한 정치적 지니계수는 유권자기준 정치적 지니계수보다 더 큰 값을 가지는 것으로 나타났다. 또한 인구수를 기준으로 측정한 획정지수의 분산계수도 유권자수를 기준으로 한 분산계수보다 더 큰 값을 갖는 것으로 나타났다. 이러한 결과는 한국의 국회의원 선거구획정이 이상학(2011)과 Lee·Lee(2013)의 측정 결과보다 더 왜곡되어 있음을 나타낸다. 또한 본 논문은 이와 같은 선거구획정의 왜곡이 잠재적으로 인구의 ‘세대별 대표성’에 왜곡을 초래할 가능성에 대해서도 분석하였다. 분석 결과 유아‧청소년층 및 청‧장년층은 전반적으로 과소 대표되고, 노년층은 ‘과다’ 대표되고 있는 것으로 나타났다. 이는 앞으로 지속적으로 늘어날 복지지출 등을 둘러싸고 세대 간 잠재적 갈등이 표출될 가능성을 시사하는 것으로 해석할 수 있다. 마지막으로, 본 논문은 향후 선거구획정의 평가와 관련하여 정치적 지니계수와 획정지수의 분산계수 등과 같은 객관적 기준을 활용할 것을 제안한다.

본 논문은 기존에 이루어진 ‘국회선진화법’에 대한 연구들을 비판적으로 검토한다. 기존 연구들은 ‘국회선진화법’에 대하여 성과를 평가하고 있으나 시행 된지 2년 밖에 되지 않은 상태에서 성과를 평가하기에 한정된 운용사례와 입법 사례에 근거하기에 객관적 엄밀성을 갖추었다고 하기 어렵다. 또는 2년간의 ‘국회선진화법’ 운영에 대한 국회의원 여론조사에 근거하여 성과를 측정하고 있으나 초·재선 소장파 의원들이 선진화법이 다수결 원칙에 위배된다고 생각하는 비율이 높게 나타나는 통계적으로 유의미한 결과를 가진다고 보기 어렵다. 기존의 선행 연구는 ‘국회선진화법’ 찬반 논의의 핵심 주장과 그러한 주장이 근거하고 있는 이론적 함의, 그리고 그러한 찬반 논의에 대한 비판적 고찰은 빠져 있는 한계를 보이고 있다. 따라서 본 연구의 목적은 ‘국회선진화법’ 찬성론과 반대론이 근거하고 있는 이론적 함의와 찬반 논의가 가진 한계를 비판적이고 신중론의 관점에서 재검토하는 것이다. 이를 위하여 ‘국회선진화법’의 내용을 먼저 소개하고 법안에 대한 찬성과 반대의 의견을 정리한 뒤, 각각의 주장이 근거하고 있는 이론적 배경을 설명하고, 찬반 논의의 합리성을 검토하고자 한다. 본 논문은 ‘국회선진화법’의 효과에 대하여 긍정적 주장과 부정적 주장을 함께 분석하면서 그러한 주장들의 일방적 합리성을 지적하고자 한다. 즉, 국회에서 몸싸움이나 폭력이 사라진 명확한 결과가 존재하지만 동시에 여·야가 법안에 대한 합의에 이르기 힘들어졌으며, 합의에 이르더라도 ‘법안 주고 받기식’ 타협으로 법안 심사가 부실해진 측면이 있으며, 타협이 어려운 법안에 대하여는 논의 자체가 사라짐으로써 입법이 느려지고 있는 부정적 측면을 지적한다. 본 논문은 ‘국회선진화법’에 대한 평가란 즉각, 단면적으로 내릴 수 있지 않음을 강조한다. 그 이유는 첫째, 적용된 지 3년 밖에 되지 않아 사례도 적고, 제도가 가져온 국회의 변화된 모습을 명확하게 파악하기에는 기간이 짧다는 것, 둘째, 민주주의에는 단순다수결(bare majority) 민주주의 결정 방식뿐 아니라 초(超)다수주의(super majority) 및 합의제 민주주의 (consensus democracy) 결정 방식도 존재하며 어느 제도가 민주적이냐 그리고 한국 정치에 적절한가의 논의는 논쟁적 사안이기 때문이다. 결론적으로 ‘국회선진화법’의 긍정적 효과 또는 비효율성과 폐해는 아직 진행 중이며, 많은 사례를 축적하여 신중하게 검증해야 할 필요성을 강조한다. 그럼에도 불구하고 여·야 쟁점법안의 경우 논의가 이루어지지 않는 ‘식물국회’의 측면과 국회의원의 입법권을 지나치게 제한했다라는 측면은 보편적으로 인정되기에 개정의 가능성을 예측하게 한다.

예전의 권위주의 시대의 국회는 통법부(rubber stamp parliament)라 불렸다. 그시절과는 달리 정책의 결정, 즉 입법과 예산심의라는 과정을 통해 국회의 권력이 상당히 강화되고 있다. 문제는 삼권분립이라는 민주주의 체제에서 국회 권력의 강화가 보다 좋은 정책을 낳는가 하는 점이다. 정치와 정책의 연계라는 관점을 국회의 예산심의에 적용해보는 것이 본고의 핵심이다. OECD의 국가서베이 자료를 활용해 국회의 예산심의기간, 예산변경의 범위, 거시예산한도설정 등 예산심의과정, 재정준칙, 재정계획의 시계(time horizon) 변수가 재정건전성에 미치는 영향을 분석하였다. 행정부의 예산편성과정에 국회가 분야별 배분 등에 대해 공식적인 논의과정을 마련하고 예산변경에 대한 제약이없는 경우, 예산심의기간 확보 등은 오히려 재정건전성에 부정적인 영향을 미치고 거시예산한도설정은 긍정적인 영향을 미치는 것으로 나타난다. 아울러 재정준칙이 행정부차원이 아니라 국회의 차원에서 입법화되어 강제수단이 마련되는 경우 재정건전성에 긍정적 영향을 미칠 수 있지만 중첩적이거나 헌법등에 규정하는 경우 오히려 부정적인 영향을 미친다. 우리나라도 가계부채, 공공기관부채 등의 규모, 복지지출의 급격한 확대 등을 감안 국회 예산심의의 실질화 및 실효성 확보가 필요하다.

Korean Abstract: 예전의 권위주의 시대의 국회는 통법부(rubber stamp parliament)라 불렸다. 그 시절과는 달리 정책의 결정, 즉 입법과 예산심의라는 과정을 통해 국회의 권력이 상당히 강화되고 있다. 문제는 삼권분립이라는 민주주의 체제에서 국회 권력의 강화가 보다 좋은 정책을 낳는가 하는 점이다. 정치와 정책의 연계라는 관점을 국회의 예산심의에 적용해보는 것이 본고의 핵심이다. OECD의 국가서베이 자료를 활용해 국회의 예산심의기간, 예산변경의 범위, 거시예산한도설정 등 예산심의과정, 재정준칙, 재정계획의 시계(time horizon) 변수가 재정건전성에 미치는 영향을 분석하였다. 행정부의 예산편성과정에 국회가 분야별 배분 등에 대해 공식적인 논의과정을 마련하고 예산변경에 대한 제약이 없는 경우, 예산심의기간 확보 등은 오히려 재정건전성에 부정적인 영향을 미치고 거시예산한도설정은 긍정적인 영향을 미치는 것으로 나타난다. 아울러 재정준칙이 행정부차원이 아니라 국회의 차원에서 입법화되어 강제수단이 마련되는 경우 재정건전성에 긍정적 영향을 미칠 수 있지만 중첩적이거나 헌법 등에 규정하는 경우 오히려 부정적인 영향을 미친다. 우리나라도 가계부채, 공공기관부채 등의 규모, 복지지출의 급격한 확대 등을 감안 국회 예산심의의 실질화 및 실효성 확보가 필요하다.English Abstract: We had a rubber stamp parliament during the authoritarian regime period. However, recently we have strengthened legislative power for policy making and budgeting through democratization. The research question is about the relationship between strengthened budget power of the parliament and fiscal discipline. We utilize the OECD state survey data of 2003 and 2007 for the impact analysis of budget assessment time period, the range of budget change, macro budget ceiling, fiscal rule, time horizon of fiscal planning on the fiscal soundness. We found that no limitation on the budget change and long time budget assessment impact negatively and macro budget ceiling impact positively related to the fiscal discipline. In addition, fiscal rule not executive body level but legislative body level support fiscal consolidation. We conclude that balanced politics and policy will drive good performance including fiscal discipline. For this purpose, we need to improve the quality of budget assessment and effectiveness of budget power of the parliament.

본 연구는 한국 유권자의 선거참여 과정에 대한 설명이 전국단위 선거와 지방선거에서 다른 방식으로 이루어져야 한다는 입장을 바탕으로 한다. 그 차이를 드러내는 요인으로서의 동원(mobilization)과 시민성(civic duty)이 투표참여에 미치는 영향력을 지방선거와 전국단위 선거인 국회의원 선거조사 자료를 분석하여 검증하는 데에 목적을 두고 있다. 먼저 지방선거와 국회의원선거에 대하여 동원의 영향력이 차별적으로 존재하는지 살펴보고 두 선거에서 드러난 동원의 영향력이 시민성에 의해 어느 정도 조절되는지를 파악하였다. 이를 위해 서울대학교 한국정치연구소가 수집한 2014년 지방선거 유권자 조사자료와 2012 국회의원선거 유권자 조사자료를 동일한 모형을 적용하여 분석하였다. 분석결과는 다음과 같다. 첫째, 지방선거와 국회의원선거 모두에서 유권자가 다양한 사람 또는 집단으로부터 특정후보에 대한 지지요청을 받을수록 선거에 참여할 확률이 높아진다. 둘째, 지방선거에서는 ‘후보자 및 선거운동원’으로부터의 후보지지요청을 받은 유권자가 선거에 참여할 확률이 높아지는 반면, 국회의원선거에서는 ‘가족과 친척’으로부터 요청을 받은 유권자가 선거에 참여할 확률이 높아진다. 통계적으로 유의미한 동원의 선거참여에 대한 효과가 두 선거에서 다르다는 것을 확인할 수 있었다. 셋째, 동원과 시민성이 선거참여에 대해 갖는 상호작용 효과를 분석한 결과, 지방선거의 경우 시민성의 수준이 높은 집단에 비해 낮은 집단에서 동원이 미치는 영향력이 강하게 나타났다. 그러나 국회의원선거의 경우 동원이 선거참여에 미치는 영향력은 시민성에 의해 조절되지 않았다. 본 연구 결과는 한국선거에서의 동원은 지방선거와 국회의원선거 모두에서 선거참여를 높이는 통계적으로 유의미한 효과를 가지지만 지방선거에서는 그 효과가 시민성의 수준에 따라 변하는 반면, 국회의원선거에서는 이러한 효과가 존재하지 않음을 보여준다. 본 연구의 결과는 유권자의 선거참여 과정이 선거유형에 관계없이 일정할 것이라는 설명에 의문을 제기하는 출발점이 될 수 있으며, 지방선거와 국회의원선거의 투표를 설명함에 있어서 다른 이론적 자원을 가지고 접근해야 한다는 점을 제한적으로나마 밝혔다는 데에서 그 의의를 갖는다.

본 연구는 18대 대선 직후에 실시된 설문조사 자료를 사용하여 정당일체감을 측정하는 두 단계 질문 중 첫 번째 질문에서는 지지하는 정당이 없다고 밝혔지만 두 번째 질문에서는 특정한 정당을 선호한다고 대답한 응답자들, 즉 정당 편향 유권자(partisan leaners)의 특성과 행태에 대한 분석으로 시도한다. 분석 결과 이들은 두 질문 모두에서 특정한 정당을 지지 혹은 선호하지 않는다고 대답한 순수 무당파(pure independent) 뿐만 아니라 첫 번째 질문에서 이미 특정한 정당을 지지한다고 대답한 정당 지지자(partisan supporters)와도 명확하게 구별되는 독특한 당파적 집단으로 드러났다. 보다 구체적으로 정당 편향 유권자들의 특징은 특정한 정당에 대한 분명한 선호와 함께 주요 정당에 대한 양가적인(ambivalent) 감정을 동시에 내보낸다는 것이다. 또한 정당 편향 유권자와 정당 지지자들은 표면적으로는 지지 혹은 선호하는 정당의 후보에게 압도적으로 투표했다는 공통점에도 불구하고 구체적으로 정당에 대한 태도가 투표선택으로 이어지는 메커니즘에 있어서 유의미한 차이가 발견되었다. 결론에서는 이러한 발견이 한국 유권자의 정당일체감을 이해하는 데 있어 제공하는 이론적 함의에 대해서 논의한다.

노무현 정부와 이명박 정부 시기에는 김대중 정부가 직면했던 극심한 경제위기도 존재하지 않았고 북유럽 국가에서처럼 강력한 좌파정당과 노동조합의 연합에 의한 광범위한 권력자원동원도 존재하지 않았으나 복지제도와 지출 측면에서 매우 중요한 복지발전이 이루어졌다. 본 연구는 이런 특이한 복지발전이 소선거구제, 다수제, 양당제, 대통령제와 같은 경쟁 조장적 정치제도와 변화하는 사회균열구조의 상호작용 속에서 정당 간 선거경쟁이 증폭됨으로써 가능했다는 이론명제를 제시하였다.BR 이 이론명제 하에서 노무현 정부와 이명박 정부 시기의 복지발전에 대한 비교분석을 위해 경쟁성 가설, 정파성 가설, 정치연합 가설 등 세 가지 가설이 제시되었다. 두 사례의 비교분석 결과. 주요선거에서 정당 간 경쟁이 치열할수록 그 이후 복지확대가 일어날 가능성이 높다는 경쟁성 가설, 그리고 상이한 이념과 노선을 추구하는 정당들은 상이한 복지정책을 실행한다는 정파성 가설은 모두 타당한 것으로 확인되었다. 그러나 진보정당은 하위층과 중하위층을 중심으로 친복지 정치연합을 구성하고, 보수정당은 상위층과 중상위층을 중심으로 친성장 정치연합을 구성할 것이라는 정치연합 가설은 부분적으로만 타당한 것으로 확인되었다. 16대 대선에서 진보정당을 지지했던 상당수의 하위층 유권자들이 17대 대선에 들어와 보수정당 지지로 선회했기 때문이다. 정파성 가설과 관련하여 특기할 것은 노무현 정부는 소득보장형 사회투자 복지국가를 추구했고 이명박 정부는 생산주의형 사회투자 복지국가를 추구했다는 점이다. 이런 차이점에도 불구하고 두 정부는 모두 사회투자를 중시하는 공통점을 가지고 있었으며, 나름대로 복지지출을 확대했으나 증가하는 빈곤과 불평등, 그리고 광범위한 사각지대 문제를 해소하는 데에는 공히 큰 성과를 거두지못한 것으로 확인되었다.

Abstract This article examines the changing pattern of key party position assignments in three leader-centric political parties during the democratization of South Korea. We examine the interplay of three key variables: (1) party members’ relationship to the party leader, (2) leaders’ relationships to the party’s core faction, and (3) political seniority, as factors that determine who receives key party positions. More specifically, we focus on the way seniority interacts with factionalism and patrimonialism to affect the assignment of key positions. Our analysis highlights the substantial variation between our focal parties depending on the configuration of these three variables. In contrast with a conventional view that has focused on uniformity in South Korean intraparty politics, we find that a seniority-based institution has emerged for the assignment of key party positions. Our study contributes to an understanding of the interplay of personalistic behaviors and informal rules in intraparty politics and how this interplay contributes to the institutionalization of informal but important institutions governing intraparty politics during democratic consolidation.

1. Diverse Routes to Democracy: An Introduction, Lynn T. White III Part I: Variety among Asian Democracies and Democratizations 2. South Korean Democracy in Light of Taiwan, Erik Mobrand 3. Taiwan's Democratization and Mainland China's Future, Shelley Rigger 4. Strategic Hypocrisy: Sovereignty, Legitimacy, and Commerce in Archipelagic Southeast Asia, Justin V. Hastings 5. Democracy and Inequality in Thailand: The Rise of the Red Shirts, Erik Martinez Kuhonta Part II: Constitutional and Legal Proto-Democratic Changes in China 6. The Local Factor in China's Intra-Party Democracy, Cheng Li 7. Why Did China's Reform Start from the Provinces? De facto Federalism and its Limits, Yongnian Zheng and Cuiwen Weng 8. Law and Democracy in China: A Complex Relationship, Jacques deLisle 9. Suing the Government in China, Neysun A. Mahboubi 10. Petitioning as Policy Making: Chinese Rural Tax Reform, Jing Chen Part III: Proto-Democratization in Chinese Civil Society 11. The Fragmented State in Action: The Production and Governance of Art Districts in Beijing, Yue Zhang 12. China Invests Overseas: Does the Strong State Help China's Outbound Investment?, Min Ye 13. All the News, All the Politics: Sophisticated Propaganda in Capitalist-Authoritarian China, Guoguang Wu 14. Chinese Nationalism Reconsidered-Or, a Case for Historicising the Study of Chinese Politics, Ja Ian Chong 15. How the Internet is Changing China, Kate Xiao Zhou with Stephen Zierak.

IntroductionDoes economic integration between South and North Korea generate positive spillover effects on their relationship? Or, are geopolitical factors and security issues still powerful enough to dominate Korean politics, limiting the effect of economic integration? The level of economic integration between the two Koreas has deepened over time. The amount of bilateral trade was only about $1.1 million three years after they officially began their trade relationship in 1988. It increased to $400 million in 2000 and then $2 billion in 2012. Currently, South Korea is North Korea's second largest trading partner, accounting for about 38 percent of its total trade in 2007. Considerable research argues that economic integration generates positive spillover effects on economic partners socially and politically.2 Scholars of liberal peace, for instance, claim that bilateral economic interdependence reduces the likelihood of militarized conflict between trading partners.3 Strong economic ties and material gains generated from it may promote economic partners' incentive to maintain or strengthen their relationship and avoid threats that may disrupt their partnership. Frequent interactions can also increase common knowledge, understanding, and interest on various issues. To the extent it occurs, economic partners are likely to narrow their policy preference gaps over various foreign policy issues.4 In this regard, it is reasonable to suspect that increasing economic integration between the two Koreas may have promoted their foreign policy preference similarity, increasing political cooperation in international organizations.Meanwhile, from a realist perspective, military tension and external forces on the peninsula, such as the U.S. and China, are still powerful factors that drive Korean politics. From this perspective, inter-Korean relations and their foreign policies have been shaped and affected by geopolitical issues and regional super powers. Therefore, bilateral economic integration may have a negligible impact on inter- Korean relations.Both claims have solid theoretical grounds. Nevertheless, virtually no empirical studies have tested these claims and show whether economic integration has gen- erated any positive spillover effects on inter-Korean relations. This article examines whether deepening economic integration has promoted cooperation between the two Koreas by analyzing their voting (dis)similarity in the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) over the time period, 1991-2011. Also, it tests whether their voting decisions are strongly influenced by the positions of the U.S. and China on the issues. Empirical results show no significant evidence that economic integration promotes cooperation between South and North Korea in the UNGA. However, the two Koreas show relatively similar voting patterns over economic issues and Palestinian issues, while they tend not to agree on nuclear, security, and human rights issues. Meanwhile, their vote coincidence is strongly influenced by the United States' and China's positions on votes. These results imply that political rather than economic factors are still significant in explaining non-cooperation on the Korean Peninsula.In the following pages, we first examine the theoretical basis of the relationship between economic integration and states' cooperation. Next, we explore states' voting behavior in the UNGA in general and that of the two Koreas in particular. Research design, the data and variables used in this article, and the empirical results are reported in the next section. Finally, we conclude with a summary of the findings and their implications.Economic Integration and Cooperation Between StatesEconomic integration, which is typically defined as the free flow of goods, capital, and labor across national borders, has deepened in many places in the world. The Korean Peninsula is not an exception from this global trend. Ever since the devastating Korean War in 1950-1953, the two Koreas lacked a formal economic relationship until 1988. …

Abstract According to the expressive view of voting, a voter derives expressive utility from casting a vote. We present two possible sources of expressive utility: social interaction with voters having the same political preferences, and interestingness of the election. First, it has been suggested that a voter's expressive utility may increase when there are more voters having the same political preference. We extend this line of study and test the hypothesis that a voter's expressive utility increases as the number of voters having the same political preferences increases in the local community, where interaction occurs more frequently with others than it does with others in distant communities. Second, we propose and test the other hypothesis, that voters’ expressive utility is larger when the election is more interesting. Using 2008 parliamentary election data from Korea, where the election consists of both 245 single-member districts and only one nationwide district for proportional representatives, we find supporting evidence for these two arguments: the turnout rate is significantly and positively related to the share of proportional representation votes for the largest party in each single-member district; the turnout rate is also significantly and positively related to the number of polls for single-member district election conducted by major broadcasting companies, which we use as a proxy variable for interestingness of the election.

IntroductionAfter succeeding Kim Jong-il upon his death on December 17, 2011, Kim Jongun, the new leader of North Korea, oversaw testing of nuclear weapons on February 12, 2013, marking North Korea's third nuclear weapon test.1 The objectives of the nuclear tests were those of regime consolidation of domestic political and military power over North Korea after increasing tension among neighborhood countries. North Korea's nuclear program, begun by Kim Il-sung, the country's founder, has been used strategically under the leadership of his son Kim Jong-il and his grandson Kim Jong-un.2 In this context, the first nuclear test in 2006 is still meaningful to the analysis of the dynamic reactions of the neighboring countries to North Korea's nuclear program.News of North Korea's first nuclear weapon test on October 9, 2006, made headlines around the globe. However, perhaps no five countries took such a keen interest in the issue as the United States, China, South Korea, Japan, and Russia- the nations involved in the six-party talks with North Korea, aimed at the negotiation of a peaceful solution. The underground explosion of the Punggye-ri Nuclear Test Facility in the North Hamgyong Province of North Korea was a sensational global news media issue. This article examines how native-l anguage print media from the United States, China, South Korea, Japan, and Russia presented the news of North Korea's nuclear weapon testing to their primarily domestic audiences; the news frames employed by each; and the differences in the cross-national media coverage of this single news event. Within the frame analysis, this study used war journalism and peace journalism as two competing frames in the news coverage of the first nuclear test conducted by North Korea.Media coverage of the North Korean nuclear crisis has received little attention from media scholars. In a peripheral study of media involvement in the issue, Jiang examined cross-cultural differences in U.S. and Chinese press conferences on the test.3 However, published academic research about the news coverage of the crisis is sparse. Academic inquiry into how the U.S., Chinese, South Korean, Japanese, and Russian media relayed information about an event of great national and tional to their respective audiences as well as identifying and analyzing analyzing differences in that coverage would benefit not only mass communication scholars and framing theorists, but also those engaged in diplomatic, political, or sociological endeavors in those countries. This study will begin to fill the gap in the available analysis of news coverage of the North Korean nuclear crisis, add to the body of media framing literature, and examine how each country's native news media content may have influenced how its respective audiences understood North Korea's nuclear test.News Coverage of International IssuesStudies about international news coverage have focused on the differences in the domestic coverage of international news events such as the news media coverage on the two cases of planes being shot down, the Korean Airlines Flight 007 by the Soviet Air Force and the Iran Air Flight 655 by the U.S. Navy,4 the 1991 Persian Gulf War,5 the 1994 South African elections,6 U.N. conferences,7 and the 2003 U.S.-led invasion and occupation of Iraq.8 Other studies, though to a lesser degree, have examined cross-national and cross-cultural news coverage of various international events and issues, including the 1971 Sri Lankan uprising,9 diplomatic relations between the United States and Europe,10 the 1991 Persian Gulf War,11 the post-Cold War environment in the United States and China,12 and the Kwangju and Tiananmen pro- democracy movements.13Such cross-national and cross-cultural news analysis has only recently been thrust into the forefront of domestic mass communication research. The September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks on U.S. soil demonstrated the danger of international ignorance and cross-cultural misconceptions and led to a surge in U. …

본 논문은 제18대 대선을 사례로 독립변수의 내인성 및 인과관계의 방향성 문제를 해결하기 위해, 도구변수를 사용한 2단계 프로빗모형을 사용하여 유권자의 투표선택 결정요인을 재검토하였다. 분석 결과, 기존 연구에서 한국 유권자의 전망적 투표의 증거로 제시된 전망적 경제 평가 및 후보자 특성에 대한 인식은 투표선택에 유의한 영향을 끼치지 못했던 것으로 드러났다. 대신 정당에 대한 선호가 투표선택을 결정짓는 가장 중요한 변수였음을 확인하였다. 이와 더불어, 내인성 문제를 통제한 후 이명박 정부 및 야당에 대한 심판론의 영향력이 명확히 나타났다. 요컨대 본 논문의 분석은 제18대 대선에서 한국 유권자들이 매우 당파적인 선택을 했으며, 이명박 정부 및 야당에 대한 회고적 평가역시 당파적인 선택의 중요한 부분을 이루었음을 보여주고 있다.

This paper focuses on action and actor beyond the welfare attitudes. This study aims to analyze the network pattern of joint submission among assemblymen in order to specify the dynamics of welfare policy making process. Research method is SNA (social network analysis). Data come from legislation information system in the National Assembly of the Republic of Korea. 11 legislations, 23 joint broader groups and 118 members of the National Assembly relation with five social insurance (the National Pension Act, the National Health Insurance Act, the Industrial Accident Compensation Insurance Act, the Employment Insurance Act, Act on Long-Term Care Insurance for the Elderly) of former part of eighteenth assembly (2008-2010) are network analysis objects. The main findings are as follows. First, the network of the members of National Assembly is a dense network form. Second, Sim Jae-Chul who has three times elections and is president of the Policy Board of the Hannara party has the highest degree centrality and prestige centrality. Lee Kyung-Jae who has four times elections in Hannara party has the highest closeness centrality and Chun Hye-Suk who has only one election in Democratic party has the highest between-ness centrality. Conservative party has taken the lead in the legislation in relationship with five social insurance more than liberal party. And progressive parties have not showed an active role. Third, main actors attributes is affiliated in conservative party and in Committee on Culture, Sports, Tourism, Broadcasting, and Communications, unaffiliated in Health and Welfare Committee and Environment and Labor Committee which have responsibilities passing a bill about five social insurance, and have more three times elections experience.

A s TE REALITY of polycentrism replaces the myth of the monolithic Communist world, the diverse policy orientations of the Communist nations take on added significance. North Korea, officially known as the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, has slowly emerged in recent years as one of the more industrialized nations of the Socialist orbit. Backed by its steadily growing economic power, it has also begun assert an appreciable measure of autonomy in the arena of international Communist politics. What follows is an attempt trace the path that it has traveled in reaching its present status of relative independence. If there is a single Korean word which sums up North Korea's national preoccupation today, it is probably chuch'e-a word which has been variously translated as autonomy,' independence,2 theme,3 and subjective entity.4 As far as can be determined, the word made its first appearance in a speech made by Premier Kim Il-song before a group of propaganda and agitation workers of the Korean Workers' Party (KWP) on December 28, I955.5 In the speech, Kim reminded his audience that the ideological work of the KWP must be geared the peculiar requirements of the Korean He declared that the study of the history of Russian Communism, the Chinese Revolution, and the general principles of Marxism-Leninism had but one purpose: to enable us more correctly execute our own revolution. Deploring the failure of the Korean Communists study Korean history and culture in any systematic way, Kim stated:

List of Tables 1. Staying Power of the Socialist Hermit Kingdom, Young Whan Kihl Part I. Domestic Politics and Political Economy 2. Emergence of the Second Republic: The Kim Regime Adapts to the Challenge of Modernity, Alexandre Y. Mansourov 3. Kim Jong Il's Military First Politics, Ilpyong J. Kim 4. Reconciling Nuclear Standoff and Economic Shortfalls: Pyongyang's Perspective, C. Kenneth Quinones 5. North Korea's Weapons of Mass Destruction, Larry A. Niksch 6. North Korea's Economic Crisis, Reforms, and Policy Implications, Dick K. Nanto Part II. The Politics of Foreign Relations 7. U.S.-DPRK Relations in the Kim Jong Il Era, Robert A. Scalapino 8. Japanese-North Korean Relations Under the Koizumi Government, Hong Nack Kim 9. Sino-North Korean Relations in the Post-Cold War World, Samuel S. Kim 10. Russo-North Korean Relations Under Kim Jong Il, Peggy Falkenheim Meyer 11. North Korea-South Korea Relations in the Kim Jong Il Era, Seongji Woo Part III. Future Prospects 12. (Bi-) Multilateral Approaches to Defusing Nuclear Crisis: Beyond the Six-Party Talks as Peace Strategy, Young Whan Kihl 13. Why Hasn't North Korea Collapsed? Understanding the Recent Past, Thinking About the Future, Nicholas Eberstadt Appendix Select Bibliography List of Contributors Index.

Formally institutionalized party organization is usually considered a prerequisite for the development of programmatic linkages between parties and voters. However, in this article I show that political parties in South Korea have succeeded in stabilizing interparty competition through programmatic linkages without making any significant efforts to build a formal organizational base. In fact, it could be argued that South Korea is a “partyless” democracy, as political parties get easily captured by the interests of ambitious politicians, thus failing to establish themselves as independent actors. I therefore make a more general argument about the concept of party system institutionalization: we need to rethink the current practice of aggregating the different attributes of party system institutionalization into a single scale, as these attributes do not seem to be connected in a linear fashion.

Immigrants to South Korea are a diverse group that includes marriage immigrants, migrant workers, Koreans with foreign citizenship and refugees. Due to this, the policy on immigrants has evolved from earlier forms focusing on regulating immigration based on discrimination and exclusion, to integration and assimilation policies supporting multiculturalism. There are previous studies on immigrant policies and literature reviews both at home and abroad, but the factors that impact on policy diffusion have not been fully analyzed in Korea. This study reviews multicultural family support policies adopted by 153 local governments from 2007 to November 2012, and analyzes the impact of internal determinants which include financial and economic factors, consisting of self-generated revenue, per capita self-generated income, percentage of social welfare budget and urbanization, social and cultural factors including percentage of foreign population, the number of marriage immigrants and their children and the number of civil society organizations, and political and administrative factors including the political orientation of heads of local governments and city council members, election time and acceptance of policies for foreigners. The results suggest that variables of regional diffusion, per capita self-generated income, spending on social welfare, and the acceptance level of policies for foreigners are most significant, while the numbers of marriage immigrants and their children, the number of civil society organizations, and the heads of governments of local governments' political orientation are partially significant.

The new government led by President Park Geun-hye faced challenges that the previous government had largely failed to address: rising income disparity, stagnant growth, political reform, and foreign policy issues, including a nuclear North Korea and an assertive Japan. Park’s foreign policy scored some successes while her old-style management of political affairs supported by the old guard caused a prolonged political stalemate with the opposition party.

Abstract For South Korean filmmakers and cinemagoers, the Korean War (1950–53)—and the broader issue of the North/South divide—has been one of the most enduring and appealing subjects. Contemporary films on this topic articulate the tragic dimensions of the national division and suggest that war itself is the true enemy, emphasizing that the conflict still has a meaningful impact on people’s lives. Bombastic blockbusters such as Taegukgi: The Brotherhood of War (T’aekǔkki hwinallimyŏ, 2004) serve as a “prosthetic memory” of the event for younger audiences, while more contemplative and artistic films like Welcome to Dongmakgol (Welk’ŏm t’u Tongmakkol, 2005) present a starkly anti-American ideology, blaming US intervention for shattering any chance at true peace between a divided Korea. Yet, while films about the Korean War have proliferated for sixty years, filmmakers seem even more haunted by the post-Armistice atmosphere of military tension. Both during and after the period when the South Korean government enforced strict censorship and was stridently anticommunist, filmmakers have frequently turned to the figure of the female North Korean spy to represent both the danger and the tragedy of division. This article, therefore, traces the historical development and ideological subtext of Korean War films, and, to a greater extent, the postwar espionage thrillers, focusing, in particular, on the role of gender and filmmaking at two important moments: the immediate postwar period and the revival of South Korean cinema at the turn of the century.

The South Korean General Election Panel Study 2008 examined vote determinants of Korean voters and the causes and dynamics of changes in voter preferences. The survey was conducted from March to April 2008 in two waves with a large-scale panel of 3,503 representing the nation's gender, age, region, and education proportions. The study analyzed factors that influence the formation and change of voter preferences through three broad theoretical frameworks: (1) The sociological model that explains voter preference as a reflection of major social fragmentation (education, gender, income, religion, region, etc.); (2) The psychological model of the Michigan School that explains voter preference formation and change as activation of party identification in United States or Western elections, and regional identification in Korea as a proxy; (3) The rational voter model that posits that individuals, after calculating their own interests, support candidates or parties that possess the policies and ideology to maximize those interests. The South Korean Election Panel studies utilize "tracking core questions": questions that repeatedly track the change in vote determinants. These questions focus on attitudes of candidate factors, political party factors, election campaigns, issues, and policies. In this study, respondents were asked about: their voting behavior, party preferences, exposure to different media sources, the economy, various politicians, opinions about the election, opinions about President Lee Myung-bak and his administration, and the general election. Demographic information includes age, gender, religion, education level, occupation, hometown, homeownership type, and family income.

South Korea is hailed a model of political and economic modernization. A desperately poor country in the immediate post–World War II period, and one that suffered under Japanese colonialism and followed by a war that cemented the split on the peninsula between the North and South, South Korea has emerged to become one of the world's richest economies. It boasts a diversified industrial economy, having achieved decades of rapid economic growth. And in the late 1980s, Korea began its transformation into a robust democracy, for which a democratic rollback is now virtually inconceivable. Its democracy was won when Korean society mobilized during the mid-1980s in waves of large-scale protests; the military regime responded by capitulating to demands for political change and by introducing real democratic reform almost immediately. Undoing the institutions of the prior military regime has taken time, to be sure, but Korea's young democracy is deepening: former generals have been prosecuted, industrial barons have been constrained, electoral rules have been institutionalized, civil society remains invigorated and attitudes toward democracy have become more favorable over time. Alternations in power have also occurred regularly, such that the former dominant party, once backed by the military, has experienced and accepted electoral defeat, and opposition candidates and parties have taken power in both the executive and legislative branches of government. The transfer of power between incumbent and challenging parties has by and large been smooth.

I. How to appoint the judges of a constitutional court?How would you appoint a constitutional court's judges?Especially if it's a constitutional court as powerful as the German Federal Constitutional Court.The constitutional court can overrule the laws made by the parliament.Of course other constitutional organs can bring a case before the court.But what makes the court so powerful is that every citizen can claim an infringement of his fundamental rights.This gives the Federal Constitutional Court the possibility to examine practically every law on whether it meets the requirements of the constitution.Therefore it is almost logical that because of the importance of the Federal Constitutional Court's position in the German constitutional system, the appointment of the judges is based on two of the very fundamental principles of the German constitution: Federalism and democracy.1) According to article 94 section 1 of the Basic Law, one half of the 16 judges are elected by the Bundesrat.The Bundesrat, the Federal Council, represents the German Lnder, the German states, in the federal legislative process.It consists of representatives of the Lnder's governments.So half of the judges of the Constitutional Court are elected by the institution that secures the influence of the Lnder on a federal level.This is an expression of the principle of federalism.The other half of the judges are -as article 94 section 1 of the Basic Law stipulates -elected by the Federal Parliament, the Bundestag.As the Bundestag is considered as the constitution's main democratic organ, its part of the Federal Constitutional Court's judges' election stands for the principle of democracy.After this first glance at the appointment of the German Federal Constitutional Court's judges, you might ask: what's the lack of democracy, why do I raise the question in the title of my presentation?To entertain this question we have to take a closer look at the details of the election.

Abstract Korean political parties have been organizationally unstable for decades, even after 1987 when a democratic transition from authoritarian military-based politics was achieved. Many studies have argued that the instability has been caused by the Confucian culture of Korean politics. This paper suggests a different view of the political phenomenon: Korean party instability has been due to the ‘cue-chasing behaviors’ of self-interested politicians, rather than Confucian morality. This study examines the proposition with a historical exploration of Korean political parties between 1987 and 2012.

Government reforms in South Korea, beginning in the 1980s, moved toward deconcentration and deregulation in the 1990s and 2000s. However, the contents of the reforms under the “transformational” presidencies following democratization, which aimed to raise the quality of government and respond to increasing social polarization and political discord, did not significantly reduce state power or depoliticize policy making. Instead, state strength was consolidated through tripartite politicization: the rise of ministers as a third force in policy making vis-à-vis the president and legislature. Under the “post-transformational” presidencies of Lee Myung-Bak and Park Geun-Hye, government reforms can be summarized as bipartite politicization between the president and legislature, as ministerial power has been reduced.

이 연구의 목적은 한국의 혼합형 선거제도에 주목하여, 소선거구제에 의해 선출된 지역구 의원과 정당명부식 비례대표제의 의해 선출된 비례대표 의원이 정책적 관심과 정책영향력에 차이를 보이는지를 분석하는 것이다. 단순다수 소선거구제에 의해 선출된 지역구 의원은 강한 지역적 연계와 선거책임성을 갖기 때문에 비례대표 의원과 차별적인 정책관심과 영향력을 보일 것으로 기대된다. 분석대상은 제18대 국회에서 발의된 1만1191건의 의원안이다. 의원안은 총 15개의 정책분야로 분류되었다. 국회의원의 정책적관심은 법안발의를 통해서, 정책영향력은 법안가결과 대안반영폐기를 통해서 파악하였다. 분석결과는 다음과 같다. 첫째, 지역구 의원이 비례대표 의원보다 상대적으로 높은 정책관심을 보인 분야는 농림수산정책, 국토개발정책, 조세재정정책으로 나타났다. 여기에 해당되는 법안들은 자원과 예산의 분배와 관련된 분배정책(distributive policy) 유형에 속하며, 의원의 지역구선심정치(pork barrel politics)에 유리한 정책분야라는 공통점을 갖는다. 둘째, 비례대표 의원은 여성가족정책, 보건복지정책, 노동정책 등에서 상대적으로 높은 관심을 보였다. 이는 여성이나 노동자 등 광범위한 인구집단을 정책대상으로 하며, 복지정책적 성격을 강하게 띠는 정책분야라는 특징을 갖는다. 셋째, 농림수산정책과 국토개발 정책의 결정과정에서 지역구 의원은 비례대표 의원보다 상대적으로 큰 영향력을 행사하는 것으로 나타났다. 특히 농림수산정책의 경우에는 지역구 의원의 정책영향력이 통계적으로도 입증되었다. 이 연구는 특정 정책분야에서는 국회의원의 대표유형이 의정활동에 영향을 미치는 유의미한 변수임을 입증하였다는 점에서 의의를 찾을 수 있다.

쟁점법안의 표결에서 지역구 표심과 정당기율 등 외부 제약으로부터의 자유는 의원의 본회의 투표에 어떠한 영향을 주는가? 구체적으로 ?레임덕의회(Lame-Duck Congress)?의 쟁점법안 표결에서 의원의 재선 성공과 의석의 안정성에 따른 투표행태의 차이가 어떻게 나타나는가? 본 논문은 18대 국회의 ?국회선진화법?의 본회의 표결에서 나타난 의원의 투표요인을 분석한다. ?선진화법?은 직권상정제한, 필리버스터 등의 제도적 차용으로 국회의 의사결정원리를 합의제 중심으로 바꾼 중요법안이자, 입법에 4년이 걸렸고 현재도 개정 논란이 진행 중인 쟁점법안이다. 현역의원의 재선 여부가 이미 결정된 레임덕의회에서 ?선진화법? 등 주요법안의 표결은 지역유권자의 표심 및 정당 기율의 제약이 의원의 본회의투표에 어떻게 작용하는지를 검증할 준 실험공간(quasi-experiment)을 제공한다. 로짓(logit) 분석 결과 지역구와 정당의 제약에서 상대적으로 자유로운 비(非)재선 의원이 ?선진화법?에 반대표를 던질 가능성이 높았으며, 의석의 안정성이 높을수록 지역구 여론이나 당론 등 외부 제약에 보다 자유롭게 투표하는 경향이 나타났다.

The 2012 elections in Japan, Taiwan and South Korea exhibit both long-term trends and short-term variations in each country's political landscape. All three societies are moving towards two-party competition lately, thanks mostly to the mixed-member majoritarian system adopted for legislative elections, despite the social cleavages that provide, to varying degrees, niches for small parties. The cleavage structure coupled with the electoral system largely explains the changing political landscape in these societies.

The year 2012 was fascinating for domestic politics and international relations in Northeast Asia. Perhaps most notably, every country in the region experienced a change of leadership. China, Russia, North Korea, South Korea, and Japan all saw new leaders begin their tenure. In addition, regional relations took a turn for the worse, with numerous countries engaging in territorial and maritime disputes, disagreeing over interpretations of their shared histories.

Abstract The National Assembly of the Republic of Korea (South Korea) voted in favor of allowing dual citizenship (156 in favor, 19 against, and 17 abstentions) in April 2010. Using South Korea as a case study, I make one methodological and one substantive argument regarding official acknowledgment of dual citizenship. First, de jure acknowledgment of dual citizenship will be likely to exhibit a path-dependent progression, from zero tolerance, to mere tolerance, and to official acknowledgment. Therefore, I argue that a study of dual citizenship needs to take into account various legislative changes that are indicative of increasing tolerance toward dual citizenship. Substantively I argue that introduction of de jure dual citizenship in South Korea indicates officialization of the strategy of flexible citizenship employed both by upper-class South Koreans and by the South Korean government. For upper-class South Koreans, dual citizenship has become a strategy to pass their class privilege on to their children while, for the South Korean government, dual citizenship has become a strategy to attract resource-rich overseas Koreans and global talent.

Part I: North Korea's Political System in the Transition Era Chapter 1: The Role and Influence of Ideology Charles Armstrong Chapter 2: The Role and Influence of the Party Apparatus Ken Gause Chapter 3: The Role and Influence of the North Korean Military Terence Roehrig Chapter 4: The Kims' Three Bodies: Toward Understanding Dynastic Succession in North Korea Bruce Cumings Chapter 5: North Korea after Kim Jong Il Victor Cha and Nicholas Anderson Part II: Prospects for the North Korean Economy Chapter 6: Western Aid: The Missing Link for North Korea's Economic Revival? Nicholas Eberstadt Chapter 7: Future Strategies for Global Economic Integration Bradley Babson Part III: North Korean Society and Culture in Transition Chapter 8: Low-Profile Capitalism: The Emergence of the New Merchant/Entrepreneurial Class in Post-Famine North Korea Andrei Lankov Chapter 9: Cultural Pollution From the South? Woo Young Lee and Jungmin Seo Part IV: Foreign Relations in the Transition Era Chapter 10: Changes and Continuities in Pyongyang's China Policy Liu Ming Chapter 11: Changes and Continuities in Inter-Korean Relations Haksoon Paik Chapter 12: North Korea's Relations with the United States and the Rest of the World David Kang Part V: Conclusion Chapter 13: North Korea in Transition: Evolution or Revolution? Scott Snyder and Kyung-Ae Park

What are the factors that affect the amount of political funds available to candidates in Korean National Assembly Elections? Using the National Election Commission’s official political finance data for the 19th National Assembly Election, the paper tries to answer this question. The results based on bivariate statistical analysis show that whether a candidates ran in a rural district or not, whether he won the election or not, whether he had previously won any election or not, whether he belonged to the regional hegemonic parties or not, which ranking he had in terms of votes won and to which party he belonged all made, as expected, statistically significant differences. But the results based on the multivariate regression analysis using candidate’s share of the vote as the proxy for his prospect of winning show that once the number of towns and population of the electoral districts are controlled whether a candidate ran in a rural district or not no longer made statistically significant difference. The results also show that candidate’s share of the vote was most important among independent variables that were included in the analysis. In addition, the results show that as candidate’s share of the vote increased, his political funds in case when he had previously won any election and/or belonged to the regional hegemonic parties increased less steeply than in case when he had neither won any election nor belonged to the regional hegemonic parties or even decreased.

An election year in South Korea witnessed a rise in deep discontent and distrust with the current political system that failed to address a growing demand for rebalancing in both domestic and foreign policies. Conservative successes led by Park Geun-hye in two elections demonstrate that South Korean voters do not support the opposition’s promise for radical reform. But the most significant message of the 2012 elections was that existing party politics could not be sustained without some fundamental political reforms, expressed by the “Ahn syndrome” yearning for new politics.

What sources of information do individuals turn to in making the decision to participate in elections? Do the contextual factors matter in this decision? This study attempts to answer these important but understudied questions in electoral politics in emergent democracies. Based on the 2004 Korean legislative election, this study elucidates the relevance of the contextual model: in particular, the role of political discussions with others in explaining citizens’ decisions to vote. The main findings of this study have implications for the future study of comparative political behavior.

This article examines the impact of the “BBK” scandal on the 2007 Korean presidential election. Voters continue to support the “corrupt” candidate after the scandal, treating it as just one of the determinants for vote choice. The findings show that the implicit trading thesis applies to Korean presidential elections.

Abstract This paper investigates why some legislators tend to switch parties frequently – which is believed to undermine effective representation of citizen interests in democracies – while others tend to stay put. On the assumption that the ultimate goal of legislators is to be reelected, I argue that voters' demands for local/individual benefits, or pork, and legislators' lack of access to resources for such benefits are likely to lead the legislators to switch parties in order to improve their electoral chances in the subsequent election. By analyzing party switches by legislators from 1988 to 2008 in South Korea, where the president controls access to the pork pipeline, I find that the president's party members are less likely and independents are more likely to change party affiliations, irrespective of voter demands for pork or national public policies. However, I also find that opposition party legislators who are elected from less-developed districts, where voters tend to desire pork over policy, are more likely to switch parties than those elected from more-developed districts. These findings suggest that interaction between voter demands and party access to resources influences politicians’ party loyalty: voter demands for pork (or policy) tend to lead politicians to be less (or more) loyal to their current parties. Voter demands, however, have little impact on the party loyalty of those who are already in parties with access to the pork pipeline.

오늘날 현대사회는 급변하는 사회 환경 속에서 물질 문명의 발달과 더불어 세계화, 정보화, 분권화 등의 과정에서 다양한 위험과 범죄에 노출되어 있다. 이러한 요인들은 치안환경에도 많은 영향을 미치고 있으며 이로 인한 범죄예방과 범죄발생 등 새로운 치안수요에 점차적으로 관심이 고조되고 있다. 사회의 안전을 담당하고 책임지는 주체에 대한 인식에 있어서 단순히 경찰을 비롯한 국가기관들의 책임에서 수요자 스스로 위험을 방지하고자 하는 방향으로의 전환적 책임 소재 역시 중요한 논제로 대두되어 왔다. 즉 민간이 주축이 되어 자신에게 발생될 수 있는 치안에 대한 책임을 스스로 지겠다는 적극적 의미의 관점으로 방향이 선회하고 있는데 그 이유는 치안과 관련한 모든 것을 경찰력에 의존하여 해결하는 것은 이미 한계에 도달하였다고 판단되는 상황에 이르렀기 때문이다. 따라서 이러한 사회의 변화를 예측하고 발생될 수 있는 위험을 사전에 예방하려는 노력은 단순히 형사사법기관으로 대표되는 경찰 그리고 검찰의 노력에만 국한할 것이 아니라 민간 영역이 적극적으로 개입된 포괄적인 노력이 필요한 시점이라고 할 수 있을 것이다. 우리나라에서는 경비업법을 통해 사경비 분야가 공경비와의 협력을 강화해 오고 있다. 한국사회에서 강하게 대두되고 있는 분야는 민간조사 분야(Private Investigation, Private Detective)이다. 공경비 영역에서의 업무 부담을 감소시키고, 민간조사 분야의 정책적 안정을 통하여 일정 부분 민간 조사활동이 현실화되어야 한다는 주장이 입법 활동을 통하여 여러 차례 제시되면서 민간조사제도의 도입 가능성에 대한 사회적 공감대가 서서히 고조되고 있다. 이러한 시점에 발맞추어 본 연구에서는 민간조사제도의 도입 방향에 대한 고찰을 위해 지금까지 국회를 중심으로 제시된 민간조사제도 도입에 대한 발의 안을 연혁별로 분석하고, 2012년과 2013년에 걸쳐 제19대 국회에서 발의된 최근 법안을 중심으로 비교 분석을 시도하였다. 이를 토대로 민간조사제도의 도입에 대한 주요 쟁점사항과 향후 도입 시 고려되어야할 사안들을 살펴보았다. 이러한 제언을 통해 민간조사제도의 보다 발전적인 정착을 위해 단독 법안으로의 도입 필요성을 다루었으며, 본 제도의 공익적 성격을 고려하여 법인으로의 제한적 운영 필요성에 대해서도 언급하였다. 그리고 무자격자의 과도한 양산을 막기 위한 해당 분야 종사자에 대한 심층 깊은 자격시험의 실시와 본 제도의 정확한 책임 소재를 정착하기 위한 명확한 소관 부서의 지정 필요성 등을 제시하였다.

본 논문은 통상정책 결정과정에서 정치적 갈등이 심화되는 원인을 밝히고자 시도하고 있다. 한-미 FTA는 다른 국가들과의 통상협정에 비해 국회 비준에 이르기까지 오랜 시간 정치적 갈등을 유발하였다. 특히 한-EU FTA와 비교할 때 FTA 체결로 인한 경제적 효과와 영향이 비슷할 것으로 예측되었음에도 한-미 FTA의 국회 비준은 상당히 지체되었다. 이와 같이 통상정책 결정과정이 지체되고 정치화되는 원인은 무엇인가? 기존 연구들은 통상정책결정의 국제적 구조, 국내 정치과정에서 정부, 정당, 이익집단의 선호와 이익, 이들의 정책연합 형성을 통해 설명하고자 시도해 왔다. 그런데 이들 연구는 정치갈등이 발생하는 과정에 있어서 국내 행위자가 자신의 선호와 전략을 수정하는 원인과 메커니즘을 설명하는 데 한계를 가지고 있다. 본 논문은 국내 행위자의 선호를 변화시키는 내적 요인으로써 아이디어(idea)의 역할에 주목하였다. 특히 특정 정책과 관련된 아이디어의 성격에 주목하여 이것이 한-미 FTA 국회비준과정에 참여한 행위자의 이해와 전략, 정책연합의 형성에 미치는 영향을 분석하고 있다. 통상정책의 아이디어는 그 성격이 고정된 것이 아니라 새로운 이슈, 정치적 문제의 등장과 함께 변화하며 한-미 FTA 통상정책의 비준과정에 영향을 미쳤다. 정책결정과정에서 이루어지는 아이디어의 성격과 정치적 동학에 대한 연구는 향후 정책결정의 과정과 정치적 갈등을 이해하는 데 기여할 것으로 본다.

본 논문은 통상정책 결정과정에서 정치적 갈등이 심화되는 원인을 밝히고자 시도하고 있다. 한-미 FTA는 다른 국가들과의 통상협정에 비해 국회 비준에 이르기까지 오랜 시간 정치적 갈등을 유발하였다. 특히 한-EU FTA와 비교할 때 FTA 체결로 인한 경제적 효과와 영향이 비슷할 것으로 예측되었음에도 한-미 FTA의 국회 비준은 상당히 지체되었다. 이와 같이 통상정책 결정과정이 지체되고 정치화되는 원인은 무엇인가? 기존 연구들은 통상정책결정의 국제적 구조, 국내 정치과정에서 정부, 정당, 이익집단의 선호와 이익, 이들의 정책연합 형성을 통해 설명하고자 시도해 왔다. 그런데 이들 연구는 정치갈등이 발생하는 과정에 있어서 국내 행위자가 자신의 선호와 전략을 수정하는 원인과 메커니즘을 설명하는 데 한계를 가지고 있다. 본 논문은 국내 행위자의 선호를 변화시키는 내적 요인으로써 아이디어(idea)의 역할에 주목하였다. 특히 특정 정책과 관련된 아이디어의 성격에 주목하여 이것이 한-미 FTA 국회비준과정에 참여한 행위자의 이해와 전략, 정책연합의 형성에 미치는 영향을 분석하고 있다. 통상정책의 아이디어는 그 성격이 고정된 것이 아니라 새로운 이슈, 정치적 문제의 등장과 함께 변화하며 한-미 FTA 통상정책의 비준과정에 영향을 미쳤다. 정책결정과정에서 이루어지는 아이디어의 성격과 정치적 동학에 대한 연구는 향후 정책결정의 과정과 정치적 갈등을 이해하는 데 기여할 것으로 본다.

본 연구는 한국 국회 내 입법갈등에 영향을 미치는 요인을 분석한다. 특히 의회 내 입법갈등을 정책유형과 정당 간 경쟁을 중심으로 설명하는 두 가지 이론의 상대적 설명력을 검증한다. 이를 위하여 제18대 국회의 보건복지위원회와 여성가족위원회가 심의하고 본회의 표결을 거친 88개의 법안을 분석대상으로 하였다. 또한 각 법안을 두고 벌어지는 입법갈등을 측정하기 위한 하나의 지표로써 해당법안에 대한 의원발의안의 횟수를 제시하였다. 정책유형과 정당경쟁도가 법안별 입법갈등의 차별성에 미치는 영향력을 검증한 결과는 한국 국회 내 입법갈등은 정책유형보다는 정당 간 경쟁이 주요 원인임을 보여주었다. 한국 국회 내 입법과정은 하나의 법안을 두고 정당 간 경쟁이 강해질수록 해당 법안의 내용을 변경하고자 하는 발의안의 제기가 많아지는 특징을 보이는 것이다.&#13;\n&#13;\nThis paper explores the major factors affecting legislation conflicts in the Korean National Assembly. In particular, it examines the relative explanatory power of two competing arguments, one resulting from the traditional typology of public policy and the other from the theory of party competitions. Analyzing the 88 bills reviewed by two standing committees in the 18th Korean National Assembly―the Health and Welfare Committee and the Gender Equality and Family Committee, this article shows that the party competition argument better explains the legislation conflicts in the Korean National Assembly. It finds that the more intense party competition develops for a target bill, the stronger the legislation conflict, defined as the number of legislative motions for the bill, happens.

유권자들의 정책에 대한 선호는 정당에 대한 지지와 함께 가장 많이 연구된 선거결과의 결정요인이다. 특히 최근의 여러 경험적 연구들은 미국 등의 선거에서 정책에 대한 선호가 정당에 대한 지지와 더불어 선거결과에 강력한 영향을 미친다는 것을 밝히고 있으며, 지금에 와서는 선거 결과를 설명할때 정당지지와 함께 유권자들의 정책선호의 영향에 주목하는 것이 일반적이다(Miller and Shanks 1996; Adams et al. 2005; Lewis-Beck et al. 2008). 그러나 우리나라의 경우 최근들어 경제투표, 이념투표, 세대투표 등에 대한 연구는 상당히 진행되었으나 아직까지 정책투표에 대한 연구는 거의 이루어지지 않았다. 이 연구는 2012년 2월 말 실시된 설문조사 자료를 이용하여 우리나라 유권자들의 정책에 대한 선호가 대통령 후보의 선택에 영향을 미치는지 분석한다. 특히, 이 과정에서 정책이슈에 대한 유권자들의 선호와 아울러 후보들의 정책에 대한 유권자들의 인식을 함께 고려한다. 분석결과는 정책 선호가 정당지지, 출신지역, 나이, 이념 등과 더불어 우리나라 유권자들의 선택에 중요한 영향을 미친다는 것을 보여준다.

유권자들의 정책에 대한 선호는 정당에 대한 지지와 함께 가장 많이 연구된 선거결과의 결정요인이다. 특히 최근의 여러 경험적 연구들은 미국 등의 선거에서 정책에 대한 선호가 정당에 대한 지지와 더불어 선거결과에 강력한 영향을 미친다는 것을 밝히고 있으며, 지금에 와서는 선거 결과를 설명할때 정당지지와 함께 유권자들의 정책선호의 영향에 주목하는 것이 일반적이다(Miller and Shanks 1996; Adams et al. 2005; Lewis-Beck et al. 2008). 그러나 우리나라의 경우 최근들어 경제투표, 이념투표, 세대투표 등에 대한 연구는 상당히 진행되었으나 아직까지 정책투표에 대한 연구는 거의 이루어지지 않았다. 이 연구는 2012년 2월 말 실시된 설문조사 자료를 이용하여 우리나라 유권자들의 정책에 대한 선호가 대통령 후보의 선택에 영향을 미치는지 분석한다. 특히, 이 과정에서 정책이슈에 대한 유권자들의 선호와 아울러 후보들의 정책에 대한 유권자들의 인식을 함께 고려한다. 분석결과는 정책 선호가 정당지지, 출신지역, 나이, 이념 등과 더불어 우리나라 유권자들의 선택에 중요한 영향을 미친다는 것을 보여준다.

이 연구의 목적은 한국 정당들이 정당개혁 요구를 어떻게 수용하였는지를 정당 적응성이라는 관점에서 살펴보는 데 있다. 그동안의 정당개혁은 어떤 비전과 내용을 갖는 것이었으며 그리고 2012년 시점의 정당개혁 담론과는 어떤 차이가 있었는가? 2012년 양대 선거에서 작용하였던 정당개혁의 담론은 무엇이었으며, 이에 대한 주요 정당의 적응성에는 어떤 차이가 있었는가? 이에 대한 답을 위하여 이 연구는 새누리당과 민주통합당의 정당개혁을 중심으로 정당개혁 담론과 당내 거부세력의 존재에 따른 정당 적응성의 결과를 분석하였다. 2012년 정당개혁 담론은 정책 어젠다의 구체화라는 대표의 기능에 중점을 둔 정당의 적응성과 자율성을 모두 요구하는 것이었다. 정당 변화에 저항하는 거부세력이 약화된 새누리당은 전반적 변화를 모색하는 전면개혁을 이루었던 반면, 정파 간 세력균형이 팽팽한 민주통합당은 절차적 기능을 중심으로 한 부분개혁에 그쳤다. 이는 2012년 선거국면에서 새누리당이 민주통합당에 비해 정치적 환경 변화에 높은 적응성을 보였음을 의미한다.&#13;\n&#13;\nThis study explores how Korean parties accept the demands from party reforms in terms of party adaptability. How different are visions and contents of party reform around 2012 compared to those before 2012? What kinds of differences are found in party adaptability and its political consequences in Saenuri and Minjutonghap parties? This study analyzes the consequences of party adaptability with peculiarities of party reforms and intra-party power&#13;\nbalances. The discourse of party reform demanded each partys adaptability and autonomy to accept political changes. Seanuri party, with weak veto power, could drive party reform to displace the previous characteristics, while strong veto power led Minjutonhap party to introduce another institution on the previous ones. This shows that party adaptability of Saenuri party was higher than Minjutonghan party around the 2012 elections.

South Korea's twenty-five-year-old democracy is a ”contentious” one, in which important public matters are often debated and decided through direct contention and confrontation between civil society and the state, without mediation through political parties as is usually the case in many Western ”representative” democracies. Popular protests and street demonstrations continue to be a preferred form of political expression in South Korean democracy. The other aspect of Korea's very active civil society is underinstitutionalized and ineffectual political parties. Whether underdeveloped political parties prove to be a temporary problem in an innovative experiment with creating a new type of ”contentious democracy,” or a fatal flaw that will undermine South Korean democracy, remains to be seen.

오랜 시간 동안 한국 정당 정치는 이념적으로 대표되는 공간이 협소하다는 평가를 받았다. 그러나 흥미롭게도 최근 들어 주요 정당 간 이념적 차별성이 비교적 분명하게 드러나고 있다. 이러한 변화의 원인은 다양한 관점에서 찾아볼 수 있을 것이다. 이 글에서 주목하는 변화의 계기는 1990년의 3당 합당이다. 3당 합당의 1차적 동인은 각 정당을 이끌던 정치 지도자의 개인적 이해관계에 따른 것이었다. 1988년 총선 결과 여소야대의 상황 속에 어려움을 겪던 노태우 대통령과 차기 대권에서의 유리한 고지를 차지하고자 한 김영삼, 그리고 소수 정당의 한계를 극복하고 집권세력에 참여하려한 김종필의 욕구가 일치점을 찾은 결과였다. 그러나 3당 합당이라는 정당 구도의 재편은 이들의 의도와 무관하게 그 이후의 정당 정치의 전개 방향을 변화시켰다. 아마도 3당 합당에 따른 즉각적인 정치적 결과는 비호남 연립 대 호남이라는 지역구도의 강화일 것이다. 평민당을 제외한 3당의 합당은 현실 정치적으로 호남의 소외를 의미하는 것이었다. 그러나 3당 합당은, 그 이후의 정치적 상호작용을 통해, 한국 정치의 맥락에서 보수와 진보라는 이념적 속성을 강화하게 하는 중요한 계기를 마련했다는 것이 이 글의 주장이다. 3당 합당과 반대 세력들의 대응, 그리고 양자 간의 상호작용이, 각 정당의 이념적 차별성의 강화라고 하는, 3당 합당 당시에 의도하지 않았던 정치적 결과(an unintended political consequence)로 이끌었다는 것이다.

체제 이행은 정치 행위자들이 정치 권력 선택을 위한 제도과정을 창조하거나 변경할 수 있는 흔치 않은 기회를 제공한다. 이러한 제도 선택 과정의 연구에 있어서는 합 리적 선택의 접근이 많다. 이 논문은 이러한 합리적 선택을 기실 형성하고 제한하는 유인을 제공하는 역사구조적 조건들의 영향을 드러내려는 사례 연구이다. 1988년 제 13대 총선은 정초선거였는데, 브래디와 모종린(Brady & Mo, 1992)은 이 때의 선거 제도 개정이 바로 직전에 실시된 대통령 선거의 결과에 주로 영향을 받은 집권 엘리트의 합리적 선택이었다고 주장하였다. 본 연구는 당시 한국의 여러 역사구조적 조건 과 상황적 맥락 등을 고려하여 분석함으로써 기존 연구의 한계를 비판하고, 당시 정치 엘리트들의 선거제도 선택에는 역사구조적 제한조건들이 결정적이었음을 밝혔다.

본 논문은 1990년대 이후 한국에서 치러진 국가레벨 선거를 대상으로 영호남의 지역분할구도를 측정하고 분석하였다. 4차례의 대선과 5차례의 총선의 투표결과에 대해 ‘χ²검증’과 ‘λ상관계수’ 방법을 이용하여 영호남의 ‘지역주의 투표성향’과 ‘지역분할구도’를 측정하였다. 결과적으로 1990년대 이후의 한국 선거에서는 지역주의 투표성향이 지속적으로 확인되며, 총선과 대선은 전체적으로 유사한 경향의 등락을 나타내었다. 1992년 치러진 14대 총선과 14대 대선 이후 영호남 지역분할구도는 점차 약화되었으나, 2007년 이후의 17대 대선과 18대 총선에서 다시 강화되고 있는 것으로 확인되었다. 투표율과의 관계에서는 2007년의 17대 대선 이후 지역주의 투표성향과 투표율은 ‘부(-) 관계’로 변화되는 것이 확인되었다.

This article investigates the structures of civic networks and their roles in steering the political choices of party and union elites regarding the retrenchment or expansion of welfare states in four recently democratized developing countries. Utilizing coaffiliation networks built upon two waves of World Values Surveys and evidence from comparative case studies for Argentina, Brazil, South Korea, and Taiwan, the study develops two explanatory factors that account for variations in welfare politics: cohesiveness and embeddedness. In Argentina and, to a lesser degree, in Taiwan, party and union leaders' cohesive relationships, being disarticulated from the informal civic sphere, allowed them to conduct elite-driven social policy reforms from above, by launching radical neoliberal reforms (Argentina) or by developing a generous transfer-centered welfare state (Taiwan). In Brazil and South Korea, however, party and union leaders' durable solidarity embedded in wider civic communities enabled them to resist the retrenchment of welfare states (Brazil) or implement universal social policies (South Korea) based on bottom-up mobilization of welfare demands. This article demonstrates that elites in the formal sector make markedly different political choices when confronting economic crisis and democratic competition depending upon their organizational connections in formal and informal civic networks.

이 연구는 제19대 국회의원선거에서 주요 정당의 후보공천 과정을 통해 나타난 정당의 대표성 문제를 민주성과 공정성 차원에서 고찰하였다. 최근 들어 나타나고 있는 무당정치 현상은 정당의 후보공천과 대표성 문제와 밀접한 관련이 있으며, 정당의 대표성을 증진시키기 위해서는 정당의 후보공천 과정에서 민주성과 공정성이 제고되어야 한다. 이번 선거에서 새누리당과 민주당은 각각 개방형 경선제도를 도입하여 국회의원 후보를 공천함으로써 후보공천의 민주성을 제고시키고자 노력하였다. 그러나 각 정당의 후보공천 과정에서 나타난 여러 가지 문제점들은 한국 정당의 후보공천이 아직도 민주성과 공정성 차원에서 많은 문제점을 내포하고 있다는 사실을 보여주었다. 결국, 이러한 문제점을 해결하고 정당의 후보공천 과정에서 대표성을 증진시키기 위해서는 각 정당마다 정당지도부에 의해 선임된 공천심사위원회의 전략공천이나 일방적 후보 결정이 개선되어야 하고, 각 정당의 공천 규정과 기준도 안정적으로 제도화되어야 할 것이다. 이와 더불어 보다 장기적으로 한국 정당의 위기를 극복하고 대표성을 제고시키기 위해서는 단순히 후보공천을 위한 제도적 변화뿐만 아니라 한국 정당의 근본적 문제점인 지구당 역할과 진성당원 확보의 문제도 해소되어야 할 것이다.

이 연구는 정당 공천 유형의 상이함에 따라 후보의 본선 경쟁력은 달라지는지에 대한 해답을 구하기 위해 2012년 4월 실시되었던 제19대 국회의원 선거에서의 주요 정당 공천 유형과 선거 결과를 실증적으로 분석한다. 연구 결과 본선 경쟁력에 대한 경선의 긍정적 효과가 확인되었다고 할 것이다. 특히 본선 경쟁력의 한 지표인 득표율에서 이러한 경향은 통계적으로도 유의미한 것으로 나타났다. 둘째, 공천 유형과 본선 경쟁력 관계는 공천 유형별 경쟁 구도를 통해서도 확인할 수 있었다. 예를 들어 한 선거구에서의 선거결과 1, 2위 후보의 득표율 차이는 경선 후보가 1위, 비경선 후보가 2위를 한 경우, 가장 크게 나타났다. 반면 경선 후보가 경쟁하여 1, 2위를 각각 차지한 경우, 혹은 비경선 후보가 1위, 경선 후보가 2위를 한 경우, 그 득표율 차이는 다른 경우보다 크지 않았다. 셋째, 공천경쟁도에 관한 것으로, 공천경쟁도가 높은 지역구에서 공천된 후보는 본선 경쟁력이 높아질 것이라는 것이 이 연구의 이론적 추론 또한 실증적으로 확인되었다.

Half a century since the adoption of democracy in South Korea, the Korean people's high hopes for popular governance have not been met. There is widespread skepticism about what Korea's implementation of democracy has brought to the nation and whether it will be able to respond effectively in the future to the demands of an evolving society and world. What accounts for the conservative complacency of Korea's democratic system? Do political parties in Korea legitimately represent the voice of civil society in legislating and policymaking on issues with a direct impact on the freedom and welfare of the people?

Abstract Using 2003 Asian Barometer Survey study data, this paper examines the economic voting model in the 2002 presidential election in South Korea. The core emphasis of the paper is on an investigation of the relative effects of different dimensions/scopes of economic evaluations on voting behavior, namely whether one form of assessment (e.g., pocketbook vs. sociotropic) can have similar consequences for electoral participation as others. The findings indicate that the overall economy is salient for Koreans to shape their political choices. In other words, voting behavior in Korea depends on how she or he thinks the national economy has been for the past five years. Also found is that voters’ perceptions of their own personal financial situations did not matter much as a predictor of voter choice.

Generation has played a role in Korean elections, especially since the democratization movement of 1987. In this article, we unify the concept of generation effects to produce two dimensions (the aging effect and the cohort effect), and examine whether these have been embodied in Korean elections. Analysis of survey data for two presidential elections and three National Assembly elections reveals that the importance of generation effects is somewhat exaggerated. For the 2002 and 2007 presidential elections we find that generation had a significant effect on the former but not on the latter. Neither aging effect nor cohort effect had a significant influence on voter choice in any of the National Assembly elections. Even in the 2002 presidential election, in which generation effects are statistically meaningful, their substantive importance is minor compared to that of ideology. We conclude that, with regard to Korean politics, debating the political implications of generation effects is premature.

[[abstract]]南韓城鄉發展嚴重失衡，特別是表現在基礎建設以及人均所得等方面，始終是韓國政府亟思解決的問題。由於相對程度的經濟、政治甚至文化資源皆較集中於首爾都會圈（包含首爾特別市、仁川廣域市與京畿道），故吸引大量的人口聚集在此一範圍內，目前人口數已達2360多萬人左右，約佔韓國總人口數的五成，對於資源的吸納與消耗都不利於南韓國家整體的發展。在經歷1960年代以來諸多區域發展政策的擬定與執行，似乎也未見成效。然而，不可諱言，南韓區域或城鄉發展差距現狀不僅受限於資源分配不均的問題，也受到在政黨政治發展過程中，頗為濃厚地域主義的影響甚鉅。基於此，本文嘗試透過南韓政府在韓戰後所進行一系列的區域平衡發展政策，及其所產生之實際經濟發展結果，來凸顯政策本身的矛盾性，以及此一矛盾之地域主義的根源性，以釐清韓國在整體區域平衡發展上未能產生效果的主要因素。 The marked imbalance between urban and rural development in South Korea, especially in infrastructure and per capita, is a problem that the South Korean government intends to solve. The relative degree of economic, political, and cultural resources concentrated in the Seoul metropolitan area, including Seoul Special City, Incheon Metropolitan City, and Gyeonggi-Do, has led to a population currently exceeding 23 million. About the half of the entire population in the Seoul metropolitan area, in terms of absorption and consumption of resources, is disadvantageous to national development policies of South Korea. Nevertheless, in addition to the influence of the imbalance in how resources are distributed, the influence from deep-rooted localism during the development of political parties plays an essential role in differences in urban and rural development. This study highlights the contradiction between policies and resources, namely, localism, which leads to contradictions by examining a series of area-balanced developmental policies implemented by the South Korean government after the Korean War. Consequences related to actual economic development are analyzed to clarify the reasons accounting for failed policies in balancing urban and rural development.

Party identification in Korea is characterized by frequent change. This situation raises the important question of whether unstable party identification can still be responsible. It remains to be determined whether such frequent changes are caused by voters` responsible consideration, taking the form of behaviors such as candidate evaluations, or simply a consequence of the unstable political party system. If party identification merely fluctuates with the unstable party system, then the role of party identification in political choices needs to be discounted. This article tests this point with panel data collected during a nine-month period around the seventeenth presidential election and shows that although Korean party identification is highly unstable, it also tends to be responsible and meaningful: Korean party identification varies according to voters` various evaluations, even after controlling for ideology and past party identification. This tendency is more obvious among voters who are more educated, younger, and who live in large cities.

Brian Bridges examines the impact on South Korea of the financial crisis of 1997. Covering events up to and including the recent parliamentary elections in South Korea, the book considers the socio-economic and political implications of the financial crisis. It is invaluable reading for students of modern Korea.

Abstract This paper explores the partisan effects of voter turnout in 12 Korean elections. We argue theoretically and show empirically that hypothetical increases in turnout generate benefits for left-wing or minor parties, rather than right-wing or major parties. Complete voter turnout may have changed the actual electoral results in close elections.

Translated from an article published in the Korean Political Science Review 44 (3):\n\n27-52, 2010 with permission from the Korean Political Science Association.

The post-Kim Jong Il situation on the Korean Peninsula remains tense. This year will be a critical year for the peninsula. Will the new North Korean leadership be successfully stabilized or not? The upcoming presidential election in South Korea will have a great impact on the security situation on the peninsula. The next 12 months are likely to be a transition period opening up a new era of inter-Korean relations.[ ISDP Policy Brief]. URL:[http://www.isdp.eu/images/stories/isdp-main-pdf/2012-lee-bergman-presidental%20election.pdf].

How do citizens in new democracies locate the target of responsibility for economic conditions, and how do political cleavages mediate citizens’ attribution process and their consequences? To answer these important but little-studied questions, this study analyzes the 2007 presidential election in Korea. Primary findings in this study elucidate the need to consider the role of political cleavages in explaining economic voting in new democracies. Specifically, even after controlling for economic salience and voters’ political sophistication, political cleavages (represented by hometown and regional partisanship) exercise a clear and significant influence on voters’ attribution process and their electoral choices. Thus, in new democracies, in particular in Korea, the attribution of responsibility clearly works in a manner different from that in established democracies. Although focused on the case of Korea, the results of this study have important implications for economic voting in any new democracy.

Abstract The year 2011 saw South Korea deepen bilateral cooperation with the United States while building its status as a global player on the international stage. These developments were facilitated by broader regional dynamics—particularly with respect to Japan and China—that helped push Washington and Seoul closer together. Key issues with the potential to redirect South Korea's bilateral and global trajectories in the coming months include the Korea-U.S. Free Trade Agreement, the death of Kim Jong-il and policy toward North Korea, and election year politics in South Korea.

이 글은 다음과 같은 질문에 대해 감정사회학적으로 해명한다. 진보 정당 또는 진보 정권과 동일시되는 복지정책이 왜 보수 정권ㆍ보수 정당에서도 제기되는가? 보수 정권 내에서 복지의 확대와 축소를 가져오는 요인은 무엇인가? 그리고 보수 정권 복지정치의 특성과 한계는 무엇인가? 이 글은 집권 보수세력의 권력 축소와 권력 상실의 공포가 보수정권의 복지정치의 동학을 설명할 수 있다고 주장한다. 이를 논증하기 위해 이 글은 제2절에서 복지국가의 우파적 기원을 탐색하고 우파 복지정치의 배후에는 우파 정권의 공포가 자리하고 있음을 밝힌다. 제3절에서는 보수 정권의 복지정책을 추동하고 제약하는 두 축으로 공포정치와 복지정치라는 개념을 이상형적으로 설정한다. 제4절에서는 이 두 축을 중심으로 한국의 보수 정권의 복지정치의 전개 과정을 감정사회학적 관점에서 탐색한다. 마지막으로, 결론에서는 이러한 보수 정권 복지정치의 특성과 한계를 지적하고, 복지정치 강화의 감정적 토대를 탐색한다.

The South Korean presidential election campaign has certainly heated up since Dr. Ahn Cheol-soo, a medical doctor and professor (but, better known as an innovative computer anti-virus software developer in Korea) announced in September his surprising intention to run for office. This upcoming election can best be summarised as a triangular contest between Moon Jae-in, Park Geun-hye, and Ahn Cheol-soo. Because of this chaotic three-side struggle it is difficult to identify who will be the next leader of South Korea. So for this reason, this article will not discuss the specific political ideas of the three candidates. It would be more proper to consider the general aspects of upcoming election. To be specific, we need to focus on the implication of election in the inter-Korean relations. Regardless of the result of election, the new administration of Seoul will change its policy toward North Korea, and Pyongyang will need to decide its new approach towards South Korea, too.

This study analyzes decision behavior and its determinants in national assembly subcommittees. Toward this end, the study focuses on the health committee and the industry committee. The results show that the terms used most frequently in both committees are expertise-related. The study finds that the stronger the representative elements in the committees, the lower the probability of approving laws is. In addition, the probability of approving laws is also reduced if expertise-based elements are strong.

This study analyzes decision behavior and its determinants in national assembly subcommittees. Toward this end, the study focuses on the health committee and the industry committee. The results show that the terms used most frequently in both committees are expertise-related. The study finds that the stronger the representative elements in the committees, the lower the probability of approving laws is. In addition, the probability of approving laws is also reduced if expertise-based elements are strong.

It is widely acknowledged that Korean election studies rest on the assumption that public attitudes are unidimensional and bipolar in South Korea. The assumption, however, masks the change in public political attitudes toward the parties after the democratic consolidation in South Korea. This paper intends to introduce the model of ambivalence for measuring partisan attitudes and examine three questions. First, this paper intend to find whether the ambivalent attitudes or the inconsistency of attitudes in Korean political attitudes-expecially partisanship-has increased. Second, this paper examines the possible causes of party ambivalence- weakening constraints from the political predispositions such as partisanship or ideological identification, and the enhanced internal psychological conflicts. Measuring partisan attitudes with the cross-dimensional framework. Finally, this paper provides empirical evidence to verify what extent and how the ambivalence influences the other political behaviors; issue preferences, political attitudes, voting behaviors, etc. The implications of the empirical test demonstrate that the ambivalent voters who shows cognitive dissonance are not ignorant nor indifferent, but responsive and rational.

18대 국회에 접수된 의안의 입법시간과 입법결과의 차이는 왜 발생하는가, 그리고 그 영향요인은 무엇인가? 우리는 제18대 국회에 제출된 전체 의안자료를 기초로, 입법시간과 입법결과에 미치는 주요 영향요인을 검증한다. 구체적으로 의안의 발의자가 정부이냐, 위원회에 의해 발의된 것이냐, 의원에 의해 발의된 것이냐에 따라, 그리고 의원 발의안의 경우 대표발의자의 소속정당과 지역구·비례대표 의원, 또는 선수(選數)에 따라 의안 처리에 걸리는 시간과 그 결과가 어떠한 차이를 나타내는지 패턴을 파악한다. 본 논문이 채택한 경쟁위험분석법은 의학·생물학 분야의 연구에서 폭 넓게 쓰이는 생존분석의 확장형으로, 입법시간과 입법결과를 종속변인으로 함께 포괄하여 설명요인의 영향을 분석할 수 있게 한다. 분석 결과 본 논문의 경쟁위험분석을 통한 다양한 입법결과와 입법시간에 대한 해석은 가결-부결의 이분법적 구도에서는 볼 수 없는 풍부한 정치적함의를 제공한다.&#13;\n&#13;\nWhat causes the difference of legislative time and legislative outcomes in the 18th Korean National Assembly? What are the major determinants for various legislative acts? What makes some legislative acts take longer time in passing through the chamber as others get passed in a shorter time? This paper takes these important, but untested questions about legislative time and outcomes seriously and forms an empirical model to analyze them. A competing risk analysis, a recently developed survival analysis method, is applied. The results show that unlike popular assumption of governments dominance over the National. Assembly, the dynamics of legislative politics strongly influence how and how long bills get treated in the chamber.

지금까지 한국에서 의회 의석할당의 문제는 선거구획정제도의 하위영역으로 큰 주목을 받지 못했다. 하지만 유권자의 1표의 등가적 가치를 보장하기 위해서는 선거구획정과 별도의 제도영역으로서 의석할당제도가 중요하며, 선거인수 불균형 문제는 그 자체로 투표의 가치를 왜곡할 뿐 아니라 사회경제적 효과를 낳는 제도변인이다. 한국의 의석할당제도는 최소의석할당제와 총의석수 제한체제를 기본으로, 1인 2표제로 운용되는 지역선거구 의석수와 비례대표 의석수의 관계, 선거구획정의 기준에 관한 법적 기준을 두지 않는 것을 특징으로 한다. 이런 제도적 배열은 사법부 판례에 따른 선거구획정, 매 선거마다 지역선거구 의석수, 비례대표 의석수의 변동을 야기했으며 결과적으로 높은 선거인수 불균형 상태를 지속시키고 있다. The institution of apportionment has not become the focus of public attention in Korea&#13;\nsince it is regarded as a sub-area of the re-districting process. For one man one vote one value, however, the institution of apportionment needs to be considered as an independent institution because the malapportionment itself originates not only the distortion of the value of the vote, but also the socio-economic effects of the ill-representativeness. The apportionment of the Korea National Assembly is characterized by institutional combination of the minimal seats apportionment and the total seats constraints in the lack of rules on the relation of the plural seats size and the PR seat sizes, and provisions about the criterion of the re-districting. This institutional set originates re-districting according to the judicial precedents, the change of the seat sizes every four years, and the persistence of the high malapportionment.

Abstract The existing literature on party organization is deeply divided over the question of how much freedom of choice decision-makers in a party enjoy in relation to their environment. Although the resulting theoretical deadlock seriously weakens our understanding of party formation and change, no attempt has been made to reconcile the different approaches. This article aims to do just that by offering a historical institutionalist perspective on party organization. Studying the development of political parties in South Korea, it argues that party organizations are best understood as strategic responses to electoral markets. Party organizations reproduce and change, as advantaged factions defend the status quo, while disadvantaged factions work towards organizational reform.

Although economic voting is a common phenomenon in most democracies, voters in young democracies do not necessarily vote based on the economy because at the early stage of democratization, the salience of political issues, regarding transition, overwhelms economic issues. Similarly, economic voting has not been observed in newly democratized South Korea since its first meaningful election in 1987. The absence of economic voting in Korea has widely been attributed to the overriding effect of regionalism, the phenomenon in which Jeolla and Gyeongsang natives vote for candidates born in their provinces. Against this backdrop, this paper argues that economic voting recently gained strength with 1) the consolidation of Korean democracy and 2) the traumatic experience of the IMF. In the meantime, the pre-democratic resource allocation political division, regionalism, has developed into the ideologies of native Jeolla and Gyeongsang voters today; liberal Jeolla natives tend to value distributive justice and freedom of speech, while conservative Gyeongsang natives value economic growth and security.\n\nTo support this theory, the study provides empirical evidence for the rise of economic voting in Korea. The results of the empirical analysis are fourfold. First, a time series regression model shows that economic voting in Korea is not observed over time at the macro level. Yet, a correlation analysis shows that economic indicators have stronger relationships with recent presidential electoral outcomes. Second, a multinomial logistic regression model shows that both economic voting and regionalism are statistically significant at the micro level. Third, an estimated effect analysis of the same data shows that the variables in the order of the largest marginal effect on the electoral outcome are: party identification, economic voting, and regionalism. Although the overall impact of economic voting exceeds that of regionalism, the result is contrary among Jeolla natives. Finally, a subset analysis shows that Jeolla and Gyeongsang natives vote economically whereas those born elsewhere vote ideologically. This suggests that the regional division has become an ideological division among Jeolla and Gyeongsang natives. Taking all the results into consideration, both economic and democracy issues in Korea seem to have become valence issues, as in other consolidated democracies.

Japan, South Korea, and China have all achieved high economic growth rates in a relatively short period of time; they also have shared values. The phenomenon of rapid economic growth in a short period, however, raises questions about government effectiveness in managing sociopolitical issues such as corruption, human rights, and crime. By using the 2003 AsiaBarometer surveys, this article examines citizens' perceptions about government effectiveness on the issues of corruption, human rights, and crime as well as the economy in the three countries. It then looks at the impact of said perceptions on trust in political institutions such as the central government, the legal system, and the legislature. The multilevel estimates suggest that effective management of the economy primarily affects trust in the central government; how the government deals with corruption primarily affects trust in parliament; whereas the management of human rights as well as crime reflects on trust in the legal system.

North Korea made great efforts after liberation to establish a national identity that could be distinguished from that of South Korea. Here, such means included the acceptance of the Soviet system and the following of the tenets of the proletarian  internationalism adhered to by socialist countries. The Democratic  People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) was established amidst a propaganda-based competition with the South Korean government to prove the superiority of its chosen system to the Korean people. As the proletarian class, Communist Party, and Great Leader (suryeong) became the essential qualities that defined the inmin, the residents of North Korea were in essence degraded to the status of people (inmin) of Kim Il-sung and Kim Jong-il. This study analyzes the relationships of identity between inmin, gungmin and minjok in North Korea. Identity politics during the early stage of the North Korean regime revolved around the usual socialist propaganda that national sovereignty rested in the members of the proletarian class such as the inmin (laborers and farmers). However, in the aftermath of Kim Il-sung’s establishment of the Juche ideology as a means to prop up his dictatorship, the North pursued a form of politics that saw national sovereignty be transferred from the inmin of North Korea to the Great Leader. Here, emphasis was placed on the history of the anti-Japanese armed struggle so as to distinguish the North’s identity from that of the South Korean regime.

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The Kaesong Industrial Complex (KIC) in North Korea is the last vestige of inter-Korean cooperation. It contributes to economic modernization of North Korea, peace and stability in East Asia, and international trade and nonproliferation of nuclear weapons. However, flaws in the KIC legislative framework leave businesses and individuals unprotected and threaten the very existence of the KIC. This Article examines the legislative problems facing the KIC and offers proposals for legislative reform. Part I demonstrates that the KIC plays an important role in the domestic, regional, and international contexts. Part II presents a critical analysis of KIC legislation. It identifies three main problems: (1) flaws in the statutory text; (2) questions regarding the effectiveness of KIC laws; and (3) inadequate dispute resolution provisions. It argues that the combined effect of these legislative problems is to give North Korean authorities control over KIC businesses, personnel, and operations. Part III presents proposals for KIC legislative reform. It shows that two approaches are most promising foreign assistance in improving and reforming KIC laws and inter-Korean agreements. The Article concludes that only through legislative reform can the KIC realize its domestic, regional, and international potential by safeguarding its businesses and individuals and by ensuring its stability and sound development.

The exceptional experiences of South Korea and Taiwan in combining high growth and liberal democracy in a relatively short and similar timetable have brought scholarly attention to their economic and political transformations. This new work looks specifically at the operation of workers and unions in the decades since labor-repressive authoritarian rule ended, bringing Taiwan, in particular, into the literature on comparative labor politics. South Korean labor unions are commonly described as militant and confrontational, for they often take to the streets in raucous protest. Taiwanese unions are seen as moderate and practical, primarily working through formal political processes to lobby their agendas. In exploring how and why these post-democratization states have come to breed such different types of labor politics, Yoonkyung Lee traces the roots of their differences to how unions and political parties operated under authoritarianism, and points to ways in which those legacies continue to be perpetuated. By pairing two cases with many similarities, Lee persuasively uncovers factors that explain the significant variation at play.

This paper examines the nature and sources of political discontent in South Korea, one of the most successful third-wave democracies in East Asia. The analysis of a recent national sample survey indicates that ordinary people are able to distinguish among regime principles, regime performance, and regime institutions, which constitute separate targets of political discontent. The analysis also indicates that sources of political discontent vary depending on its targets. Noteworthy is that official corruption is most consistently related to disbelief in democratic principles, democratic dissatisfaction, and institutional distrust. Furthermore, less free and fair elections are related to more democratic dissatisfaction and institutional distrust. The results suggest that the democracy in Korea confronts not only critical citizens but also disloyal citizens suspicious of democracy. The fact that institutional trust declined, democratic satisfaction ceased to grow, the view of democracy as a universal value weakened while desire for democracy remained high suggests that the new democracy in Korea faces considerable difficulty, if not a crisis.

This paper analyzes the background, problems and political dynamics related to the hereditary succession currently underway in North Korea. The succession to Kim Jong-un has been prepared amid relatively challenging internal and external conditions. The consolidation of Kim Jong-un’s power should solve three political challenges. The first is to inherit and repackage Kim Jong-il’s power legacy. The second is to reorganize the party-state’s higher power agencies and adapt them to new realities in the country. The third is to build Kim Jong-un’s own personal power base. There are four main structural factors which can influence the future trajectories of political succession and North Korean politics: regime survival and hereditary succession; ruler-state relations; ruler-society relations; relations between foreign powers and domestic actors. The combination of these four structural factors and the four political actors within and without the regime?hard-liners, soft-liners, moderate oppositions and maximalist oppositions?will determine the future trajectories of North Korean politics.

AbstractThe purpose of this paper is to introduce the political parties and party system in Korea and provide a basic analysis for comparative study among the Asian countries. First, I would explain the distinguishing characteristics of the political parties and party system in Korea. I will then show how this system evolved by using the concept of the cartel party and cartelized party system. Finally, the kind of measures that have been introduced to improve democracy and party politics will be discussed. Whether these efforts are working or not will be addressed from the perspectives of the two different party models.The nature of the political system in Korea can be gleaned by examining three main aspects of the cartelized party system, namely, national subsidies, electoral system, and entry barriers against new or minor parties. After an examination of some of the institutions of the cartelized party system in Korea, the Korean party system may be deemed, by and large, to be moving towards a plural competitive system, one that is more accommodating of new or minor parties.

This paper discusses the political engagement of second-generation Korean Americans in formal politics, including naturalization, voter registration and turnout, and party affiliation. Drawing from the results of in-depth follow-up interviews conducted with a subsample of second-generation Korean Americans who were randomly chosen to participate in the 1998 New York Second-Generation Survey, the paper describes the views, in their own words, of second-generation Korean Americans toward politics, particularly their reasons for participating in electoral politics. Also included are their views on becoming naturalized, registering to vote, and endorsing a particular political party and candidate. The results illustrate a degree of complexity and nuance to conventional discussions of determinants of political behavior among Korean and Asian Americans. In addition, the results provide insights into the politics of second-generation Koreans who are gaining greater visibility and presence in national and local politics.

Abstract Through a case study of democratization movements in South Korea from 1980 to 1987, this study aims to contribute to further sophistication of social movement theories. Recognizing the limitation of the existing political opportunity approach, this paper presents a systematic definition of political opportunity structure and shows the mechanism through which it plays a role in the development of a social movement. In particular, in explaining South Korea's democratization movements, the authors distinguish political opportunity from its structure and suggest political opportunity as a framework that could explain the changes in risks and changes affecting social movements. Keywords: Social movement theoriespolitical opportunitypolitical structureframingSouth Koreademocratization movements Notes In this article, we have further developed ideas published earlier in Korean. The authorship of this paper has been assigned equally. In this paper, structure refers to ‘political structure’ unless noted otherwise. For instance, by focusing on terrorist movements, Snow and Byrd Citation(2007) showed the importance of ideology and framing in understanding social movements. In addition, in a case study of South Korean white-collar unions, Suh Citation(2004) demonstrated how the framing of collective action outcomes influenced movement trajectories and actors' subjective evaluation of collective action. Exceptions include researches on the changes of social movement over time by Tarrow Citation(1989) and Traugott Citation(1995). There were large democratization movements in Gwangju in protest against the military coup, but Chun Doo Hwan suppressed the movement by force, killing hundreds of people. The Gwangju Massacre became the Achilles' heel of the Chun government and a driving force for anti-government movement groups in Korea. In 1972, President Park Chung Hee announced the Yushin Constitution. The Yushin Constitution recognized the absolute power of the President of Korea. According to the Yushin Constitution, the President of Korea could enforce emergency decrees, restrain human rights, dissolve National Assembly, and ban political activity of political parties. Soon after South Korea was announced as the host country of the 1988 Olympic Games, the Chun government implemented a series of appeasement policies. Kim Sung Ik, the Secretary of Public Relations of the Chun government, testified in Monthly Chosun (January 1992) that a successful hosting of the Olympic Games was the top priority of the Chun regime (Seong Citation1995). For Tarrow Citation(1989), the success of the early risers facilitates mass participation by providing a model for a collective action and demonstrating the possibility of overthrowing the regime. It is followed by the expansion of political opportunity as the masses become the allies of the social movement (Tarrow Citation1989). The Korean case illustrates this point. For a theoretical discussion on the interrelationship of the actions of movement actors, including potential opportunity and framing and the realization of the opportunity, see Tarrow Citation(1989). As political freedom was highly suppressed, an indirect Presidential election system was used to elect Chun as the President of South Korea in 1981. Despite unfavorable public opinion, thanks mainly to the indirect election system, Chun was able to come to power with high support from the electoral college. Therefore, Constitutional revision for direct presidential elections became one of the most important democratization agendas of the June 1987 Democratization Movements. The Chun government had attempted to hide the Gwangju massacre by suppressing and controlling the media. An attack on the political legitimacy of the target government has been frequently adopted by anti-government forces. For instance, Oberschall Citation(1996) demonstrated that by attacking political legitimacy, anti-government forces in the former communist regimes which lacked both strong organizations and physical force could challenge the existing governments. On October 28, 1986, around 20,000 students from 29 universities participated in an opening ceremony for the Anti-Foreign and Anti-Dictatorship Student Association. Criticizing the organization as ‘a group of rioters instigated by communists,’ the Chun government surrounded the university for four days and arrested 1290 students (Gang Citation1988). Additional informationNotes on contributorsHyun Choe Contact address: Department of Sociology, School of Humanities, Jeju National University, Jeju, Korea, 690-754. Jiyoung Kim Contact address: 1101-4 International Education Building, Graduate School of International Studies, Ewha Womans University, 11-1 Daehyundong, Seodaemungu, Seoul, Korea 120-750.

Abstract This article aims to facilitate the transition from politics-oriented management to risk-oriented management in the field of Korean emergency management by analyzing the barriers and alternatives around three key players, namely, (1) the National Assembly, (2) the National Emergency Management Agency, and (3) business corporations. These three players have continued to focus on managing both fire and flood due to typhoon by utilizing politics-oriented management. In other words, when the other risks occur, Korea will surely face related catastrophe. Therefore, it is urgent for Korea to manage all kinds of risks equally, including fire and flood due to typhoon, by embarking on risk-oriented management.

Most theories about electoral system choice are based on the experiences of Western European countries, many of which shifted from majority/plurality rule to proportional representation (PR) at the turn of the twentieth century. This article aims to explain the choice of the South Korean legislative electoral system in 1988 as an example of electoral institution choices in new democracies, which may be different from those in the Western European countries. Through analysing multiple steps leading to the choice of a single-member district plurality voting system, this article suggests three potentially generalizable findings. First, in new democracies, labour parties can only induce old parties to shift to a proportional representation system if they have mobilized the working class prior to democratization. Secondly, parties in the developing world at times face unusual systems that are neither majoritarian nor fully PR. Under such unusual systems, party size would not be a reliable predictor for the party's preference over electoral institutions. Finally, when parties choose a legislative electoral institution in a presidential system, parties tend to prefer an institution that helps them in the subsequent presidential election even though the institution might harm them in the upcoming legislative election.

Executive Summary\n\nThis study concentrates on the research question that whether the 386 Generation maintain its cohort effects. The 386 Generation was coined in the 1990s to describe those Koreans in their 30s who were born in the 1960s and entered the university in the 1980s. This political generation is known as liberal and they are considered to maintain its liberalism because they spent most of their 20s fighting against authoritarian rule and shared common sentiment in favor of democracy. It seems that they have shown their liberalism through a series of elections, especially in 2002. However, in 2007, their support for the non-conservatives decreases remarkably, which arouses a suspicion on their liberalism and cohort effects. In order to figure out cohort effects of the 386 Generation, this study set Korean generations into five categories by 10 years, and recode the party identification into two groups: the conservatives and the non-conservatives. Logistic regressions with the voting choice variable as a dependent variable and OLS regression with the ideology variable as a dependent variable are implemented. The control variables include sex, income, degree of education, occupations, regions of the origin and generations. The previous election result, self-reported ideology and their interaction term with the generations are respectively added in each model. This study uses 1992, 1997, 2002, and 2007 Korean Presidential Election Study(KPES) cross-sectional data from the Institute for Korean Election Studies. The survey were conducted by the Korea Social Science Data Center using face-to-face interview with approximately 1,200 voters right after each election. \nThis study could not find any evidence for cohort effects of the 386 Generation. The 386 Generation maintains consistent low probability of voting choice for the non-conservatives, and even shows lower support for the non-conservatives in 2007. Decreasing gap with the Industrialization Generation and insignificant and statistically insignificant result of the interaction term between the previous election and the 386 Generation are other evidence that the 386 Generation does not maintain its cohort effects. Therefore, when it is compared to other generations, the 386 Generation become also conservative like other generations, without cohort effects.

&lt;p&gt;This book examines how inter- and intra-party coalition-building affects governability in South Korea. Focusing on the Kim Dae-jung administration (1998-2003) as a case study in the failure of a government to turn electoral success into stable governability, or ability to implement reform policies, the book’s research draws on two bodies of literature which, though focusing on the same dependent variable (cabinet or government stability), have rarely been used in tandem: coalition research on parliamentary systems and studies of divided government in presidential systems.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;Youngmi Kim argues that a weak institutionalization of the ruling party and the party-system accounts for political instability and inefficient governability in Korea and in doing so her study makes a number of key contributions to the field. Theoretically it proposes a framework which integrates a rationalist approach with one that acknowledges the role of political culture. It further enhances the understanding of factors affecting governability after coalition-building across regime types and aims to build on recent demands for broader cross-regime analysis of minority/divided government and of the determinants of governability. This has important comparative implications as coalition-building within (semi-) presidential systems has occurred in other post-authoritarian contexts. The book finally provides a new dataset which fills a gap in a field where Western cases constitute the main focus of research.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;&lt;em&gt;The Politics of Coalition in Korea&lt;/em&gt; will be of interest to students and scholars of Korean studies, Korean politics, Asian studies and Asian politics.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Youngmi Kim&lt;/strong&gt; is Assistant Professor at the Departments of Public Policy, and International Relations and European Studies at Central European University, Budapest, Hungary.&lt;/p&gt;

이 글은 한국 국회의원들의 쟁점법안에 대한 표결에 영향을 미치는 요인들을 분석하고 있다. 특히 의원개인의 이념적 성향과 표결기록 사이의 차이를 가져오는 요인들이 무엇인지 대해 관심을 두었다. 17대 국회에서 표결한 쟁점법안 67개를 대상으로 분석한 결과, 한나라당이 가장 보수적이며, 다음으로 민주당이 차별적이며 가장 진보적인 민주노동당과 열린우리당 사이에는 통계적으로 이념차를 보이지 않았다. &#13;\n 표결과 이념접수를 표준화하여 분석한 결과 한나라당의 초선 의원들고과 비례대표의원들이 지도부와 표결차이가 적은 것으로 나타났다. 그리고고 의원들의 표결과 이념점수차를 중심으로 보면 한나라당 의원들 중 초선 의원과 비례의원에서 자신의 이념과 표결사이에 차이가 두드러진다. 이러한 결과는 한나라당의 초선의원들이 지도부 의사에 많은 영향을 받았다는 것을 보여주는 것이다. 보다 중요한 것은 회귀분석 결과 이념이 정당평귱과 차이가 큰 의원들일수록 표결에서 자신의 이념과 달리 투표하는 결향이 강하다는 것이다. 즉 이념분포에 비하여 표결 분포각 더 수렴화되는 것을 알 수 있는데, 그 이유는 이념평균에서 벗어난 의원들이 표결에서는 평균으로 수렴하는 경향이 강하기 때문이다.&#13;\n&#13;\nThis paper analyzes the factors influencing voting decisions of members of Korean National Assembly regarding to controversial bills on the floor. Especially it focuses on the factors to determine the differences between ideological and roll-call voting postions. We select 67 controversial bills judged by 5 different scholars. Based on the basic statistical analysis, it turns out that the most conservative party is the Grand National Party and that the Democratic Party is the next. Another finding is that there is no significant difference in the voting positions between the Uri Party and the Democratic Labor Party which is considered as the most radical one.

본 연구는 한국 정당의 공천과정이 여전히 폐쇄적이고 하향식인 형태로 유지되는 원인을 밝히는 것을 그 목적으로 한다. 기존의 연구경향은 공처제도를 주어진 것으로만 파악하여, 공천제도 자체와 그 정치적 결과에만 천착해 왔던 반면, 본 연구는 신제도주의의 관점에서 공천방식의 특성이 유지되어 온 원인에 의문을 제기하였다. 연구의 결과, 폐쇄적이고 하향식 형태의 공천방식이 유지되는 것은 결과의 불확실성의 정치적 의미에서, 각 정당 내 행위자들에게 있어 공천방식의 개방화를 통해 지지율 및 의석 수 확대를 통한 정당의 생존을 추구해야 하는 유인이 크게 작용하지 않음에 기인한다. 오히려, 폐쇄적이고 하향식의 공천방식의 선택을 통해서 정당 내 행위자들은 재선 및 당내 권력의 장악이라는 선호를 실현시키고자 노력했던 것이다. 본 연구는 특정한 제도는 단순히 주어지는 것이 아니라 정치적 행위자들의 힘의 관계가 반영된 선택이라는 관점에서, 정당의 공천과정을 보다 동태적으로 이해하려는 시도를 했다는 점에서 그 의의를 찾을 수 있을 것으로 생각된다.&#13;\n&#13;\nThe purpose of this study is to answer why the candidate selection process by political parties in South Korea is still characterized by exclusive, top-down approach. Previous studies have been limited to examining candidate selection methods per se and/or their political implications. Drawing on a new institutional perspective, the study concludes that exclusive and top-down candidate selection process of the parties continues because intra-party actors have little incentives to open the process for maximizing vote share and seats in the context of Korean party politics, where electoral outcomes have often not been uncertain in advance and intra-party structure is still not democratic. In addition, the study shows that the candidate selection process is more dynamic than previously considered, which would strengthen the case that a specific institution is not exogenous but a choice reflecting political actors' power relations.

한국 정당들이 이념적 경쟁 구도를 형성하는 형태로 재편되고 있는지, 특히 정당 구성원의 특징도 그러한 현상을 반영하고 있는지를 살펴보게 될 것이다. 이를 위해 정치적 신념과 태도 형성에 관한 \'사회학적 관점\'(sociological perspective)에 근거하여 정당 구성원들의 \'사회경제적 배경\'(socioeconomic background)을 분석할 것이다. 만일 한국 정당들이 이념적 정체성에 있어 타 정당과는 차별성을 보여주고 있다면, 그 인적 자원의 사회경제적 배경도 동일 정당 내에서는 동질성을, 그리고 타 정당과는 차별성을 보여주게 될 것이라는 것이 이 논문의 출발점이다. 연구 대상은 2010년 지방선거에 출마한 각 정당의 후보들이다. 연구 결과, 한국 정당엘리트들의 사회경제적 배경이 몇 가지 지표에서 차별성을 띠고 있다는 사실을 발견하였다. 특히 주요한 사회경제적 배경 지표인 \'연령\', \'소득\' 그리고 \'학력\'은 정당의 이념적 성격에 따라 차이를 보이는 것으로 나타났다.

이 연구의 목적은 최근 정치학자들이 한국의 선거과정을 직접 참여관찰(participant observation)하게 된 배경을 분석하고, 지금까지 연구업적을 평가한 후 개선방향을 제시해보려는 것이다. 민주화 이후 한국선거에 대한 참여관찰이 활발해진 배경에는 선거현장에 대한 접근의 용이, 통계학이나 수학을 동원한 양적 연구의 한계 극복, 한국정치의 현실로부터 이론을 개발하려는 한국정치학의 학문적 정체성 확립 노력 등이 작용하였다. 지금까지 한국 선거참여관찰 연구업적을 비판적으로 평가해보면 첫째, 연구업적이 많지 않고, 둘째, 참여관찰의 주제와 대상이 제한적이고, 셋째, 저널리즘과 결합하여 학문적 자율성을 발휘하지 못하였고, 넷째, 방법론적으로 문제점이 많으며, 마지막으로 이론화 노력이 부족하였다. 향후 개선책은 무엇보다 참여관찰방법론을 보다 세련되게 하고, 연구대상과 주제를 확대하는 한편 학문적, 이론적 정교화를 시도하면서 충분한 재정과 연구기간을 확보할 수 있는 여건을 조성해 나가야 한다.

This paper analyzes class voting in South Korea under neoliberalism. The class voting literature has paid too little attention to cases outside Europe and North America, while the existing studies on South Korea's elections and voting patterns have largely ignored the issue of class. The lack of interest in class voting is due mainly to strong regionalism prevalent in South Korea's electoral politics. However, the rapid and profound neoliberalization after the 1997 financial crisis has generated negative socioeconomic consequences, which may have increased the importance of a class-based bloc as a salient electoral factor. Using Goldthorpe's class schema, I test the validity of class voting in South Korea, employing microlevel survey data of the two recent parliamentary elections of 2000 and 2004. I pay particular attention to entrenched conservatism that is historically rooted in South Korea's electoral and representative systems. I formulate this vital issue in terms of a possible connection between people's decisions on whether to vote (or for that matter, nonvoting) and for whom they vote (their vote choice). The empirical evidence in this paper suggests that people vote according to their class positions in the context of the swift neoliberal restructuring in South Korea.

Abstract While the notion that subjective economic perceptions as well as objective economic conditions affect electoral outcomes has long been explored in advanced democracies and new democracies, evidence of the link between the economy and elections has been rarely found in East Asian countries. As economic issues have become salient since the 1997 financial crisis, political leaders’ capacity to manage the economy has become one of the most important criteria in electoral choice in East Asia. This paper examines how economic issues influenced the results of the 2007 presidential election in South Korea. By making use of the 2007 Presidential Election Panel Study, this study examines the continuity of and changes in the Korean voters’ electoral behavior. This study describes the political situation in the post-1997 financial crisis period under two liberal governments in Korea and introduces the processes and characteristics of electoral campaigns in the 2007 presidential election. This paper then explores the link between the economy and vote choice, focusing on whether economic issues were salient among the electorate, whether retrospective or prospective economic voting was prevalent among Koreans, and how the voters supported Lee Myung Bak across age groups, regions, and parties in the 2007 presidential election.

Abstract A growing literature looks at how the design of the electoral system shapes the voting behavior of politicians in parliaments. Existing research tends to confirm that in mixed-member systems the politicians elected in the single-member districts are more likely to vote against their parties than the politicians elected on the party lists. However, we find that in South Korea, the members of the Korean National Assembly who were elected on PR lists are more likely to vote against their party leadership than the members elected in single-member districts (SMDs). This counterintuitive behavior stems from the particular structure of candidate selection and politicians' career paths. This suggests that any theory of how electoral systems shape individual parliamentary behavior needs to look beyond the opportunities provided by the electoral rules for voters to reward or punish individual politicians (as opposed to parties), to the structure of candidate selection inside parties and the related career paths of politicians.

This article examines how the institutions of interest representation have affected the welfare state in post-democratization Korea. The characteristics of welfare politics in Korea since democratization are quite different from those of advanced welfare states. The argument here is that these characteristics are related to the flawed institutions of interest representation in Korea’s newly created democratic system. The interest articulation and aggregation of welfare issues have been severely limited, since political parties do not represent socioeconomic interests in civil society appropriately and the social dialogue is paralyzed. These flawed institutions of representation have hindered the development of a comprehensive welfare state.

This article chronicles the evolution of ethnic politics in the Yanbian region, focusing on the Chinese Korean communist leader Chu To k-hae during the Chinese civil war and the early Korean War. Chu's advocacy of Chinese nationality for ethnic Koreans is juxtaposed with his cooperation with North Korea, conflict over North Korean refugees, and examinations of the Yanbian region's role between the People's Republic of China and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea. The ''Resist America and Aid Korea'' movement provides the most dramatic example of how Chu and ethnic Koreans in Yanbian expressed a uniquely tinged Chinese nationalism while continuing to lend support to North Korea. The article thereby aims to contribute to the regional history of Northeast Asia, add texture to debates on Chinese and Korean nationalism in that region, and reveal new aspects of Chinese Korean agency in the earliest years of Chinese Communist Party control.

Abstract This study explores how a party's organizational mode affects its stability in new democracies. A party organization was stable under these three conditions: when the relationship from lower to upper organizations has institutionalized a strong vertical organization mode; when the central party power is concentrated on the leadership; and when the leadership has been safely shifted after elections. In the case of two ruling parties in South Korea, each mode produced differences in party stability. The dissimilar organization modes of two parties resulted in different organizational stability.

본 연구에서는 2007년에 실시한 17대 대통령 선거를 위한 NI Korea의 인터넷 패널조사와 KBS의 대선 패널 전화여론조사 결과를 토대로 인터넷조사와 전화조사의 차이를 비교하고, 인터넷조사의 활용 가능성을 검토해 보고자 한다. 인터넷조사는 조사대상자가 인터넷 사용자로 제한됨에 따라 발생하는 포함오차와 조사 참여 의사를 갖는 사람들만을 조사에 참여시킴으로써 발생하는 선택편향 등으로 인해 흔히 표본의 대표성이 문제점으로 지적되고 있다. 이런 문제점을 해결하기 위해 인터넷 사용자 표본이 전체 유권자 표본을 설명 할 수 있도록 성향점수(Propensity score)를 사용하여 가중치를 보정하는 방안을 제시한다. 17대 대선 자료를 기초로 한 사례분석을 통해, 적절한 성향점수보정 기법을 적용하는 경우 인터넷조사를 선거예측에 활용하는것이 가능하다는 결론을 얻을 수 있었다. Propensity score adjustment(PSA) has been suggested as approach to adjustment for volunteer internet survey. PSA attempts to decrease the biases arising from noncoverage and nonprobability sampling in volunteer panel internet surveys. Although PSA is an appealing method, its application for internet survey regarding Korea presidential election and its effectiveness is not well investigated. In this study, we compare the Ni Korea internet survey with the telephone survey conducted by MBMR and KBS for 2007 Korean presidential election. The result of study show that the accuracy of internet survey can be improved by using PSA. And it is critical to include covariates that highly related to the voting tendency and the role of nondemographic variables seems important to improving PSA for Korea presidential election prediction.

Abstract This article examines the changing nature of the state's capacity under conditions of globalisation. In particular, it explores how the Korean National Assembly reacts to the challenge of globalisation as well as how a state develops its capacity to deal with transnational issues. By analysing the National Assembly's response to the ongoing issues of the Korea-Chile and Korea-USA Free Trade Agreements, this article points out the causes of the imbalance that exists between the parliament and the executive administration under the multi-level system of governance. It also examines ways of strengthening state capacity by reducing a perceived democratic deficit. The Trade Procedure Acts submitted to the 17th and 18th National Assembly can be expected to contribute to the improvement of the National Assembly's responsiveness and accountability and the state's capacity in the supranational sphere.

Despite political setbacks, aftershocks of the global financial crisis, and the continuing North Korean nuclear quagmire, the Lee Myung-bak government made dramatic reversals in 2009. But winning local elections, forging national unity, sustaining economic growth, and managing the North Korean question will remain daunting challenges throughout 2010.

Previous research claims that associational membership produces social capital. Employing the first wave of the Asian Barometer Survey conducted in 2003, this study investigates the development of social capital and its political consequences in South Korea. Rather than study simple association membership, I examine the quality of civil society (defined as associational commitment and interaction) that individuals pursue through membership. This, I believe, provides a close test of the theoretical impact of social interactions on political participation. The findings indicate that there is a positive association between voluntary activity and two modes of political activity (voting and campaign participation) in different ways and to varying degrees. Associational membership is a significant predictor of voting. In the case of the quality of social capital, associational interaction (talking politics with group members) turns out to be significant in encouraging participation in election campaigns. Overall, my findings on the role of social capital support Putnam's argument that group interactions foster democratic participation.

This study delves into an empirical case analysis of the desecuritization process of the North Korean threat under the Kim Dae-jung government. Unlike previous studies, it analyzes how domestic and international actors desecuritized traditional threats by taking the pluralistic political processes of a democratic polity seriously. This was the process of competition between different political coalitions and the process of transformation from issues of high politics into issues of low politics. It remains to be seen whether the Kim Dae-jung government's desecuritization of North Korean threats was a deep or a shallow one, but it appears to be clear that the desecuritization of North Korean threats by the Kim Dae-jung government paved the way for another 5 years of progressive government with Roh Moo-hyun's ‘unexpected' victory in the 2002 presidential election.

이 논문은 분배의 정치학이 한국에서는 어떤 방식으로 이루어지고 있는 지를 살펴보고 있다. 특히 이 연구는 기존의 한국의 정치적 재분배에 관한 여타 연구들과 다음 세 가지 부분에서 차별화된다. 첫째로 대통령 선거 결과가 아닌 국회의원 선거결과를 바탕으로 지지 선거구(supportive district)와 부동층 선거구(swing district)에서의 재분배정책을 비교 분석한다. 두 번째로는 분석의 단위를 행정구역이 아니라 선거구로 책정함으로써 콕스와 맥커빈, 린드벡과 와이벌의 이론적 틀에 근접한 경험적 연구를 실행한다. 마지막으로 한국의 국회의원 선거가 반드시 양당 경쟁체제 구도가 아닌 다당 경쟁체제일 수 있다는 점을 고려하여 분석한다. 중앙정부에서 지방정부로 주어지는 보조금의 규모를 분석한 결과, 이전 선거에서 정부여당이 이긴 지역구의 경우, 승자와 차점자의 득표율 차이가 커질수록, 즉 정부여당의 안전한 지역구일수록 중앙정부로부터 적은 액수의 보조금을 전달받는 것으로 나타났다. 반면 정부여당이 승리한 지역구이지만 그 득표율차이가 적은 지역구는 상대적으로 많은 보조금을 지원 받는 것으로 나타났다. 또한 정부여당의 후보가 상위 그룹의 1, 2위 후보군에 속하지 않는 경우는 중앙정부로부터 현저하게 적은 액수의 보조금을 받는다.

이 연구의 목적은 제 17대 국회에서 여성의원이 급증한 점에 주목하여 국회의원의 정당충성도에 성차가 존재하는지를 분석하고, 정당충성도에 영향을 미치는 결정요인을 밝히는 것이다. 이때 정당충성도는 쟁점법안에 대한 본회의 표결에서 의원이 소속정당의 당론에 따라 투표한 정도로 정의하였다.&#13;\n분석결과 여성의원은 남성의원보다 높은 정당충성도를 보였으며, 그 차이는 통계적으로 유의미한 것으로 나타났다. 그러나 의원 성별뿐만 아니라 소속정당, 대표 유형, 이념성향, 선수 등의 변수를 포함한 회귀분석결과 의원의 성별이 정당충성도에 미치는 영향력이 사라졌다. 국회의원 정당충성도를 결정하는 유일한 요인은 소속 정당으로 나타났는데, 집권당일 열린우리당 의원이 제1야당인 한나라당 의원보다 높은 정당충성도를 보였다.&#13;\n한국정치에서 국회의원의 당론투표는 책임정당정치의 관점에서 평가되기보다는 후보공천권을 무기로 행사되는 강한 정당기율이라는 측면에서 비판받는다. 이 연구의 분석결과는 국회의원의 소속정당이 입법형태에 미치는 강한 영향력을 경험적으로 입증했다는 점에서 의의를 갖는다. 국회의원의 입법형태를 구속하는 정치적 압력에 큰 차이가 없다면, 동일한 입법 환경에서 활동하는 의원들의 입법형태에서 성차를 발견하기는 쉽지 않은 것이다.&#13;\nThe purpose of this study is to analyze whether there is gender difference in the Members' party royalty, and to find out determinants of Members party royalty. The party royalty is measured by the frequency Members vote in accord with party line.&#13;\nThe findings are as follows. Women Members show higher party royalty and it is statistically significant. But when party is controlled, the impact of gender on party royalty disappears. The only determinant of Member's party royalty is the party. Members of the majority party(Uri party) showed higher party royalty than minority party(Gran National Party).&#13;\nThe implication of these findings is that as long as there is no change in these political context and party pressure, it is not easy for Member's gender to have influence on voting behavior. In Korea political context, high level of party royalty has been criticized as an obstacle to the democratization of legislative process because party line is decided in a top-down way. And the main political resource the party can restrain Members voting decision is its candidate selection power.

이 연구는 제18대 국회 원내정당의 정당응집성을 측정하고, 한국 의회정치의 특수성을 반영하는 정당응집성 모델을 개발하는 것을 목적으로 한다. 우선 제18대 국회 전반기 본회의 표결결과를 대상으로 라이스 지수(Rice Index)와 힉스의 합의지수(Agreement Index)를 측정하였다. 연구결과 국회 원내정당의 정당응집성은 라이스 지수의 경우 .988, 힉스의 합의지수의 경우 .975에 이를 정도로 전반적으로 높게 나타났다. 이는 의회의 표결결과가 내각에 대한 신임과 직결되는 의원내각제 국가의 정당응집성 수준에 필적할 정도로 높은 수준이다. 그런데 이 두 가지 정당응집성 지수로는 ‘소속의원 전원이 표결에 불참’함으로써 정당응집성을 과시하는 한국정치적 특수성을 포착할 수 없다는 점에서 ‘정당단합 표결불참’을 포함하는 정당응집성 측정방식을 고안하였다. 이에 따른 측정결과 다수당인 한나라당의 정당응집성에는 변화가 없지만, 제1야당인 민주당과 민주노동당의 정당응집성은 한나라당에 비해서 훨씬 높아지는 것으로 나타났다. 한국정치에서 원내정당의 높은 응집성은 무엇보다도 후보자 공천이나 당직임명과 같은 정치적 자원의 배분을 정당지도부가 결정한다는 점에 의해 설명될 수 있다. 소속의원의 동질적인 정책성향이 정당응집성의 요인이라고 하기에는 아직까지 원내정당의 정책정당으로서의 면모가 취약하며, 정당응집성의 결정요인으로 후보자 공천제도의 중요성은 주요국의 사례를 통해서도 입증되어 온 바이다.

필자는 본 연구의 분석 대상인 제1공화국, 제3공화국, 제5공화국을 선거 권위주의(electoral authoritarianism)로 규정한다. 선거 권위주의는 권위주의 통치와 선거 경쟁이 공존하는 정권을 지칭한다. 폐쇄적 독재와 민주주의 사이의 회색지대에 존재하는 정권 형태이다. 선거는 주요 행위자에게 정치적 기회와 제약을 제공한다. 공공재와 사유재를 통해 엘리트와 대중의 지지를 유지해야 하는 독재자, 권력분담을 원하는 지배엘리트, 선거경쟁에 참여하는 야당, 투표권을 지닌 대중이 상호작용하면서 선거 권위주의는 작동한다. 선거로 인해 독재자는 대중의 지지를 유지해야 하며, 지배엘리트는 선거가 제공하는 다양한 정치적 기회를 활용해서 독재자의 기회주의를 제어코자 한다. 대중의 지지를 등에 입은 독재자는 엘리트의 쏠림을 이용해서 자신의 개인 독재 권력을 축적한다. 선거에서 대중의 지지가 불확실한 경우 지배엘리트와 반대세력은 새로운 지배연합을 형성하기 위한 경쟁에 돌입한다. 선거를 둘러싸고 벌어지는 행위자들의 상호작용의 결과, 선거 권위주의는 현상유지, 폐쇄적 독재로의 퇴행, 다원적 정치 갈등의 폭발로 전개된다. 제1공화국의 경우 이승만과 지배엘리트는 선거 권위주의를 유지하면서 지배를 유지코자 했다. 그 결과는 정권의 붕괴였다. 제3공화국의 선거 권위주의는 선거 경쟁이 부재한 폐쇄적 권위주의로 퇴행했다. 제5공화국 후반에 출현한 선거 권위주의는 절차적 민주주의로 이행했다.

민주화이후 한국정치는 지역·이념·세대 등의 균열구조로 고착화되어 왔고 정당의 수직적이고 위계적인 조직은 유권자의 조직적 동원을 가능하게 함으로서 각 선거의 결과를 예측가능하게 했다. 그러나 최근 한국 정치에서 나타나고 있는 투표유동성의 증가나 정당 일체감의 약화, 정당지지의 재편 현상, 새로운 정보통신매체의 발달로 인한 선거정치 환경의 변화 등의 양상은 기존 정당들의 확고한 지역적 기반을 와해시키고 있으며 정당의 변화를 이끌고 있다. 이는 서구민주주의 국가들에서 계급대중정당들이 맞닥뜨리게 되는 정당 위기의 양상들과 유사하다. 서구에서는 대중정당 이후의 정당정치를 설명하기 위한 이론으로 카르텔정당(cartel party)이나 포괄정당(catch-all party), 선거-전문가정당(electoral -professional party) 등을 제시하였다. 본 논문에서는 이와 같은 이론들이 한국적 상황에서도 적실성이 있는가를 살펴보고자 한다. 또한 기존 연구를 살펴보면 한국정당은 카르텔 정당이나 포괄정당의 성격을 지니고 있으나 선거전문가 정당으로 변모하고 있는지에 관한 구체적인 선행연구가 많지 않다. 뿐만아니라 한국 정당이 파네비앙코(Panebianco)가 제시 한 선거전문가정당적 특징을 가지고 있는지를 대선을 통해 분석한 논문은 없었다. 이에 이론적 틀로서 파네비앙코의 선거전문가정당을 토대로 16·17대 대선에서 정당공약과 후보자 당선결과를 통해 선거전문가정당으로 변모했는지를 살펴보고자 한다.

민주화이후 한국정치는 지역·이념·세대 등의 균열구조로 고착화되어 왔고 정당의 수직적이고 위계적인 조직은 유권자의 조직적 동원을 가능하게 함으로서 각 선거의 결과를 예측가능하게 했다. 그러나 최근 한국 정치에서 나타나고 있는 투표유동성의 증가나 정당 일체감의 약화, 정당지지의 재편 현상, 새로운 정보통신매체의 발달로 인한 선거정치 환경의 변화 등의 양상은 기존 정당들의 확고한 지역적 기반을 와해시키고 있으며 정당의 변화를 이끌고 있다. 이는 서구민주주의 국가들에서 계급대중정당들이 맞닥뜨리게 되는 정당 위기의 양상들과 유사하다. 서구에서는 대중정당 이후의 정당정치를 설명하기 위한 이론으로 카르텔정당(cartel party)이나 포괄정당(catch-all party), 선거-전문가정당(electoral -professional party) 등을 제시하였다. 본 논문에서는 이와 같은 이론들이 한국적 상황에서도 적실성이 있는가를 살펴보고자 한다. 또한 기존 연구를 살펴보면 한국정당은 카르텔 정당이나 포괄정당의 성격을 지니고 있으나 선거전문가 정당으로 변모하고 있는지에 관한 구체적인 선행연구가 많지 않다. 뿐만아니라 한국 정당이 파네비앙코(Panebianco)가 제시 한 선거전문가정당적 특징을 가지고 있는지를 대선을 통해 분석한 논문은 없었다. 이에 이론적 틀로서 파네비앙코의 선거전문가정당을 토대로 16·17대 대선에서 정당공약과 후보자 당선결과를 통해 선거전문가정당으로 변모했는지를 살펴보고자 한다.

오늘날 한국 정치 상황은 과거 호프스태터(Hofstadter, 1965)가 사용했던 “미국정치의 편집증적 스타일(the paranoid style in American politics)” 개념으로 잘 묘사될 수 있다. 편집증적 정치 스타일은 극단적인 불신과 의구심에 빠진 개인이나 집단이 자신의 열악한 상황, 혹은 통제력 상실의 책임을 외부세력, 즉 공모집단에게 돌리는 정치 스타일을 말한다. 이 연구는 한국 정치에서 편집증적 정치 스타일이 만연되었다고 본다. 이를 입증하기 위해서 현 집권당 국회의원들의 음모론적 논변(argumentation)에 주목한다. 연구문제 설정의 이유는 두 가지다. 음모론적 논변이 소통보다는 불통, 상호이해보다는 적개심을 키울 수 있다는 점이 첫 번째다. 다음으로 음모론적 논변으로 전개되는 정치적 커뮤니케이션은 문제 해결보다 정치적 산술(political arithmetics), 즉 권력의 유지와 획득을 위해 책임을 전가하고 회피하는 데 쓰일 수 있다는 점 때문이다. 분석의 대상은 18대 국회 회의록이며 사용한 분석 방법은 질적인 내용분석이다. 음모론적 논변의 특성을 연구하기 위해 연구자는 게어하르츠와 동료들(Gerhards et al. 2006; 2007)의 “책임귀속(Verantwortungszuschreibung)” 분석과 툴민(Toulmin, 2003)의 논변구조 분석(argumentation structure analysis)을 결합한 연구방법을 구성했다.

오늘날 한국 정치 상황은 과거 호프스태터(Hofstadter, 1965)가 사용했던 “미국정치의 편집증적 스타일(the paranoid style in American politics)” 개념으로 잘 묘사될 수 있다. 편집증적 정치 스타일은 극단적인 불신과 의구심에 빠진 개인이나 집단이 자신의 열악한 상황, 혹은 통제력 상실의 책임을 외부세력, 즉 공모집단에게 돌리는 정치 스타일을 말한다. 이 연구는 한국 정치에서 편집증적 정치 스타일이 만연되었다고 본다. 이를 입증하기 위해서 현 집권당 국회의원들의 음모론적 논변(argumentation)에 주목한다. 연구문제 설정의 이유는 두 가지다. 음모론적 논변이 소통보다는 불통, 상호이해보다는 적개심을 키울 수 있다는 점이 첫 번째다. 다음으로 음모론적 논변으로 전개되는 정치적 커뮤니케이션은 문제 해결보다 정치적 산술(political arithmetics), 즉 권력의 유지와 획득을 위해 책임을 전가하고 회피하는 데 쓰일 수 있다는 점 때문이다. 분석의 대상은 18대 국회 회의록이며 사용한 분석 방법은 질적인 내용분석이다. 음모론적 논변의 특성을 연구하기 위해 연구자는 게어하르츠와 동료들(Gerhards et al. 2006; 2007)의 “책임귀속(Verantwortungszuschreibung)” 분석과 툴민(Toulmin, 2003)의 논변구조 분석(argumentation structure analysis)을 결합한 연구방법을 구성했다.

have been a surprisingly high number of clashes between the Republic of Korea (ROK) and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) since the signing of the Armistice Agreement in 1953. While it is well known that the brinkmanship strategy of the DPRK regime was a crucial cause of the clashes between the ROK and the DPRK, the ROK's role in provoking the DPRK has generally been ignored. Most incidents prior to the early 1990s could not have been thoroughly examined because the ROK government maintained a complete control over the domestic mass media, even though a few specialists on the NorthSouth relationship and newspapers in the ROK have begun to analyze the ROK's responsibility in very recent conflicts. More specifically, some scholars argued that the relationship between the ROK and the DPRK deteriorated significantly after the inauguration of President Lee Myung-Bak in February 2008, due to a new policy toward Korea in the Lee government.1 The so-called North Wind (Pukp'ung) incident shortly before the April 1 1 general election in 1996 is another case deserving attention. Since early April of that year, the DPRK's gunboats and heavily armed soldiers had darted in and out of South Korea. In particular, nearly 200 DPRK soldiers armed with machine guns and mortars repeatedly crossed the Demilitarized Zone (DMZ). After an investigation conducted by the Kim Dae-Jung government two years later, it became clear that the Korean Central Intelligence Agency (KCIA) had been the instigator in the DPRK's violation of the Armistice Agreement. This was because the unstable security situation during the election would have benefited the conservative ruling party rather than the

South Korea's political parties in the post-authoritarian era show distinct characteristics because of the political environment in Korea.The unique political environment in Korea has the negative effect on the democratization of South Korea.

5,728 bills were propose d by cosponsoring legislators during 17th Korean National Assembly. This paper tried to examine the effects of brokerage on the adoption of bills. The unit of analysis was a bill and ave rage brokerage score of cosponsors of a bill at time t was used to predict the adoption of the bill at time (t+1). We could draw two major conclusions. First, the effect of each brokerage is biggest when the political confrontation is medium: the slope of the surface is highest in the middle, the inverse U-curve in most figures. In other words, if political confrontation is too weak (i.e. very short duration or high passing rate of committee) or too strong (i.e. very long duration or low passing rate of committee), the change in brokerage score does not change the passing rate a lot. This makes a sense. When political conflict is too low or too high, there is little room for brokers. Brokers need moderate level of confrontation between parties they want to connect in order to obtain benefit from brokerage acts. If confrontation is too weak, parties do not need brokers. If confrontation is too strong, parties do not want brokers: brokers are treated as opportunistic. Second, when we compare the size of the effect be tween　different types of brokerage, in-and-out brokerage produce s the best results. In most figures the polygons of in-and-out are tallest with compared to other types of brokerage. Thus, we can conclude that the benefit of brokerage was maximized when the broker share d party membership with only one of two connected parties . If both parties belong to the same party with the broker (thus, all three agents shared the same party membership), the broker may have severe limitation to draw support from opposing legislators. High inside brokerage sc ore was harmful to a bill to be adopted. However, outside brokers had also a limitation too. Neither of two parties who the brokers connected to each other shares party membership with brokers themselves. Therefore brokers would have difficulty in mobilizing support for a bill they cosponsored.

After the Korean War, South Korean politics was dominated by national security concerns. Reversing Carl von Clausewitz's well-known dictum, in South Korea, “politics is the continuation of war by other means.” Until the late 1980s, politics in South Korea was far from democratic. South Korea had five direct presidential elections (1987, 1992, 1997, 2002, and 2007) and six national assembly elections (1988, 1992, 1996, 2000, 2004, and 2008) after the democratic transition of 1987. In 1992, a civilian candidate, Young Sam Kim, was elected president. Young Sam Kim (1993–1998) prosecuted and punished former generals turned presidents Doo Hwan Chun (1980–1988) and Tae Woo Roh (1988–1993) for corruption, mutiny and treason in 1995. Dae Jung Kim (1998–2003) was elected president in 1997. For the first time in South Korean political history, regime change occurred between a ruling party and an opposition party.In this chapter, the change and continuity of civil–military relations through the fluctuating dynamics of the democratic transition and consolidation in South Korea is examined. A positive consolidation of democratic reform is one that, while securing indisputable civilian supremacy, grants the military enough institutional autonomy for the efficient pursuit of its mission. Civilian supremacy should be institutionalized not only by preventing military intervention in civilian politics but also by ensuring civilian control over the formation and implementation of national defense policy.In sum, despite three terms of civilian presidency, civilian supremacy has not yet fully institutionalized. Although significant changes in civil-military relations did occur after the democratic transition, they were not initiated by elected leaders with the intention of establishing a firm institutional footing for civilian supremacy. South Korea's political leaders have not crafted durable regulations and institutions that will sustain civilian control over the military.More than six decades, Korea is still divided. The most highly militarized zone in the world lies along the demilitarized zone. How to draw the line prudently between seeking national security and promoting democracy shall be the most delicate task facing all the civilian regimes to come in South Korea. That mission will remain challenging not only for civilian politicians but also for military leaders.

This study explores the impact of democratization on financial reform in Korea and Taiwan. In Korea, democratization decreased the autonomy and efficiency of bureaucrats and increased the power of business groups, which led to unregulated financial liberalization. Crisis contributed to the urgency of reform, coalitional support, and burden sharing among people. After the crisis, the re-strengthened bureaucracy and weakened veto power of business and labor sectors resulted in “path-breaking” reform in Korea. In Taiwan, the historically conservative financial system remained stable, allowing Taiwan to escape the Asian crisis but later becoming obstacles to reform. Democratization decreased the autonomy of bureaucrats and increased money politics: Lack of consensus among parties, divided government, and opposition within vested interest groups led to “lagged and stalemated” financial reform in Taiwan.

In the 2004 and 2008 National Assembly elections, each Korean voter was provided two ballots under a mixedmember majoritarian system. Drawing on post-election survey data, this paper investigates differences in the extent of regional voting, partisan voting, ideology voting, and retrospective voting across the two components of a general election. The paper also examines the patterns of split-ticket voting. The analysis reveals that regional voting more strongly influences the district candidate vote than the party vote. But partisan voting, ideology voting, and retrospective voting less strongly affect the former than the latter, respectively. In the 2008 election, about 40 percent of the total voting participants engaged in split-ticket voting. A bit more than half the total split-ticket voters chose a district candidate of the two large parties, and endorsed the party list filed by a small party. The most frequent case was the Grand National Party chosen for the district candidate vote along with the Pro-Park Coalition for the party vote. These ticket-splitters tended to vote sincerely under proportional representation, and vote strategically for the viable candidate to avoid wasting the district candidate vote.

Abstract This paper offers a critical analysis of the current political trajectory of the anti-neoliberal globalization movement (ANGM) in South Korea. Drawing on framing theory, it analyzes the ways in which the Korean ANGM interpreted a free trade agreement (FTA) with the United States. This article postulates that national sovereignty was the master frame of the Korean ANGM and that the movement has projected the nation-state as the ethical guardian of 'national interests' without specifying an alternative trading or economic model that can better serve the interests of the people. Thus, through pointing out the shortcomings of a nationalist framing that ignores the class relations and conflicting interests that ultimately shape the contents of any trade or economic development model, this article seeks to bring attention to the limitations of the ANGM as well as the need to develop alternatives to the existing global trading system. Este artículo ofrece una visión crítica de la trayectoria política del movimiento de globalización antineoliberal (ANGM, por sus siglas en inglés) en Corea del Sur. Extrayendo de una teoría enmarcada, el artículo analiza las maneras como el movimiento de globalización antineoliberal enmarcó un tratado de libre comercio (FTA, por sus siglas en inglés) con los Estados Unidos y luego discute las limitaciones y las deficiencias de la enmarcación del movimiento del tratado de libre comercio. Sostiene que la soberanía nacional fue la enmarcación principal del movimiento coreano y que la enmarcación nacionalista del tratado de libre comercio, no era fundamentalmente diferente del discurso hegemónico de la elite coreana, sobre el tratado de libre comercio. También asume que dado que los principales prognósticos de los marcos del movimiento se enfocaron al proteccionismo selectivo y capitalismo de bienestar, tendieron a limitar el rango de alternativas a la globalización neoliberal. Keywords: free tradenationalismneoliberalismsocial movementsSouth KoreaEast Asia Notes Although there are differences between the Korean ANGM and the Korean anti-FTA movement, they are used interchangeably throughout this paper for the following reasons. Although the anti-FTA movement has more broad constituencies and supporter milieus, the key organizational forces that make up the anti-FTA coalition greatly overlap with the major actors that are the driving force behind the anti-globalization movement in South Korea. The key groups in the Korean ANGM are: the Korean Confederation of Trade Unions (KCTU), the Korean Framers' Association (Choˇnnong), the Democratic Labour Party (DLP), and the Korean People's Alliance (Minjung yoˇndae), the National Coalition for Democracy (Choˇn'gukyoˇnhap), various federations of student unions (e.g., Hanch'ongnyoˇn and the 21st Chindaeryoˇn), People's Solidarity for Social Progress (Sahoejinboyoˇndae), and the Power of the Working Class (Nodongjauˇi him). Mercosur is a regional trade bloc in Latin America. Its member countries include Brazil, Argentina, Uruguay and Paraguay, Bolivia, Chile, Colombia, Ecuador, and Peru. Members of ART (Alliance for Responsible Trade) organizations include: the American Federation of Labor-Congress of Industrial Organizations (AFL-CIO), Friends of the Earth, Global Exchange, the Union of Needle Trades, the Industrial and Textile Employees, the United Brotherhood of Teamsters, among others. It enables transnational corporations to file lawsuits against the state for the loss of anticipated future profits if government's policies are regarded as interference to free competition in the market. See Park Citation(2007) for a history of the DLP and the KCTU. To broaden the range of alternative politics, it is necessary to critique the nationalist politics of NL, which dominates most sectors of social movements. The internal schism in the DLP, especially over nationalism and the pro-North Korean stance, led to a split of the party, creating the Progressive New Party (PNP) in 2008. This split prompted a debate in the KCTU over its exclusive support for DLP as the pro-PD faction in KCTU threatened to defect from the DLP (Y.-W. Lee, Citation2008). In the general election of April 2008, both the DLP and the PNP did poorly, garnering only about 8.5% of the votes in total, as many radical left groups, critical of both the DLP and the PNP, decided not to participate. Despite this electoral failure, the split may provide an opportunity for socialist or anti-capitalist activists to emerge as an independent political force. The hegemonic leadership of the nationalist NL-led DLP has now ended, in the face of growing criticism from the left factions in Korean ANGM, which have included the PNP, the Korean Socialist Party, the Power of the Working Class, Liberation & Solidarity (haebang yoˇndae), the Socialist Workers' League (sahoejuuˇi nodongja yoˇnhap), and the National Political Council of Workers (choˇn'guk nodongja choˇngch'i hyoˇbuˇihoe). It must, however, be acknowledged that Korean activists face tremendous political difficulty in their endeavor to push their alternatives due to the anti-communist National Security Law (NSL) that persecutes leftists. Initially, ALBA consisted of only two member states: Venezuela and Cuba. At present, ALBA has four full member states (Bolivia, Cuba, Nicaragua, and Venezuela) and four observer states (Ecuador, Uruguay, the Dominican Republic, and St. Kitts) (Hattingh, Citation2008).

More than 20 years have passed since the democratic transition of South Korea in 1987. South Korea exemplifies a successful case of democratic consolidation. After the transition, five presidents have been elected through free, fair, and periodic elections and have experienced no disruptions to their political tenure. Several meaningful power transfers have occurred in South Korea as well. The election of Young Sam Kim represented a power transfer from a president with a former military background to a genuine civilian political leader. The election of Dae

The purpose of this paper is to analyze the relationship between neoliberalism and political democracy in Korea. Neoliberal policies introduced to overcome the economic crisis in 1979 accelerated economic hardships, which eventually resulted in the breakdown of the Park Jung Hee regime by triggering popular protests. Neoliberalism unintentionally provided Korea with an opportunity for enhancing democracy, which was unfortunately crushed by another military coup d'etat. In the mid 1990s, the Kim Young Sam government decided to rely on more intense neoliberal policies, which led Korea to the bigger economic crisis in 1997. The crisis materialized just before the election made a large contribution to Korean democracy by making the first peaceful transfer of power between the parties in Korea possible. However, in the medium term, the negative effect of neoliberalism is larger. Kim Dae Jung and his successor, Noh Mu Hyun, transformed Korea into a fully bloomed neoliberal economy, and thereby introduced the unprecedented economic polarization which resulted in landslide victories of the authoritarianism oriented conservative party in the 2007 and the 2008 elections. And the new government has initiated a series of attacks against democracy. Besides, neoliberalism intensifies social conflicts in Korea and thereby is emerging as a major threat to Korean democracy.

In 2008, North-South relations worsened, food shortages re-emerged, and the Six Party process yielded an interim agreement. The U.S. dropped North Korea from the terrorism list but nuclear verification issues remained contentious. Kim Jong-il reportedly suffered a stroke in August, casting uncertainty over all aspects of politics and policy.

Abstract I argue that North Korean politics is becoming pluralized. Policy outcomes are increasingly shaped by the interaction of the Cabinet, party, and military. Systematic content analysis of domestic articles and speeches suggests that policy preferences vary by institution. Second-echelon divisions are observable and help to shape policy more than has been previously argued.

Information about domestic developments in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) is not easy to obtain. In addition to occasional news available through various official North Korean sources as well as from foreign media, two regular events of a highly programmatic nature stand out, deserving particular attention. The political tone and strategy are set by the New Year joint editorial. The annual plenary session of the People’s Assembly that usually takes place in spring in turn provides some impression of the official view on the status of the national economy. Since the overview section of this yearbook covers events from April 2006 to March 2007, the examination of the parliamentary reports comes first, followed by the major points of the New Year editorial, then a third section covering especially important events, and a fourth section in which other major and minor domestic developments are summarised.

The realities of globalization have produced a surprising reversal in the focus and strategies of labor movements around the world. After years of neglect and exclusion, labor organizers are recognizing both the needs and the importance of immigrants and women employed in the growing ranks of low-paid and insecure service jobs. In Organizing at the Margins, Jennifer Jihye Chun focuses on this shift as it takes place in two countries: South Korea and the United States.Using comparative historical inquiry and in-depth case studies, she shows how labor movements in countries with different histories and structures of economic development, class formation, and cultural politics embark on similar trajectories of change. Chun shows that as the base of worker power shifts from those who hold high-paying, industrial jobs to the formerly "unorganizable," labor movements in both countries are employing new strategies and vocabularies to challenge the assault of neoliberal globalization on workers' rights and livelihoods.Deftly combining theory and ethnography, she argues that by cultivating alternative sources of "symbolic leverage" that root workers' demands in the collective morality of broad-based communities, as opposed to the narrow confines of workplace disputes, workers in the lowest tiers are transforming the power relations that sustain downgraded forms of work. Her case studies of janitors and personal service workers in the United States and South Korea offer a surprising comparison between converging labor movements in two very different countries as they refashion their relation to historically disadvantaged sectors of the workforce and expand the moral and material boundaries of union membership in a globalizing world

South Korea and Taiwan are often cited as successful cases of third‐wave democracies where democracy has taken roots. However, electoral volatility is high and disenchantment among citizens is rising, especially regarding the performance of politicians and political parties. Since political parties play a vital role in the democratic process their institutionalization is seen as an indicator of democratic consolidation. An analysis of Taiwanese and South Korean parties in terms of age, organization and structure, as well as programs and leadership style of parties indicates that parties are weakly institutionalized. The Korean party system is a weak point in democratic deepening, as it is reminiscent of a carousel of party creations, mergers and dissolutions. Parties lack distinguishing ideological or programmatic markers and remain cadre parties, focusing on their charismatic leader and their home regions. In Taiwan, in contrast, a clear cleavage in the form of Taiwanese identity led to the appearance of two distinct political camps, each consisting of several parties. Taiwanese parties have progressed in their institutionalization in terms of longevity, organization and programmatic differences. However, membership numbers and party identification remain low and regular corruption scandals show the slow attitudinal change among Taiwanese politicians. In the light of politicians' behavior, citizens in both countries thus are feeling increasingly disenchanted with the ruling elite as well as the democratic system.

The launching of the Lee Myung-bak (known as “MB”) government in February 2008, coupled with the landslide victory by the ruling Grand National Party in the April 9 general election, opened a new era of conservative dominance while ending a decade of progressive rule. But the triumphant mood did not last long, as the MB government encountered a series of political, economic, and social crises as well as setbacks in its foreign and inter-Korean relations.

There have been some critical debates about the construction-oriented, developmentalist nature of the Korean state among the Korean scholars. However, no clear explanation has emerged for why the Korean state adopted such construction-oriented, developmentalist selectivity. This paper seeks to answer this question of why the construction-oriented state has developed in South Korea by employing the strategic-relational approach to the state. In this paper, the author argues that the construction-oriented, developmentalist nature of the Korean state has been strengthened because at the local and regional scales, highly politicized territorial interests have been mobilized as a result of complex interactions among spatial selectivity of the Korean state, uneven regional development and territorialized party politics from the 1960s to the present. More specifically, the author emphasizes that the following conditions were the most influential in the formation and intensification of constructionoriented state building: 1) As the central cleavage structure of party politics is based on locality, parties and politicians easily accept local developmental politics, and thereby influence governmental decision-making according to regional interests; 2) Due to the weak development of class politics (at the national scale) and immature grass-root democracy (at the local scale), place-based interests and identities tend to be strongly territorialized; 3) Continuing from the 1970s and influenced by the politics of regionalism, the ways in which the Koreans interpret the political and economic realities has been constructed on the basis of the discursive frame of the highly politicized “center-local” relations, which has led to the intensified inter-local/inter-regional competition for the central government’s spending on local/regioinal development projects. Based on this analysis, this paper argues that the situation of South Korea’s neo-developmentalism and construction-oriented tendency needs to be understood through the mechanisms of more complex political, social, and economic conflicts and interaction effects among social forces acting in and through the state, and that the question cannot be explained simply by the ‘irrationality, incapacity, and immorality’ of

This paper analyzes the outlook for North Korean reform from the perspective of a changing party-state system. North Korea adopted a Soviet type of political system in 1948, when the government was established. In the early 1960s North Korea strived to replace a Soviet model of party-state system with a Chinese model, where political power was horizontally concentrated on party committees at each level. Local party committees controlled parallel administrations as strongly as the central party committee managed the central government. The 1998 Constitution is characterized by the weakened control of the party over the military and the government. The North Korean efforts at change faced harsh setbacks in 2005, due to unsuccessful reforms and increasing social instability. The prevention of market expansion and the tightened control over citizens have become a pressing issue for the North Korean people. North Korea announced state monopolization of food in September 2005 and began to regulate the markets. The Central Party Committee reintroduced the Department of Planning and Finance in October 2005, a move that clearly indicated the desire to increase the involvement in economic affairs alongside the Cabinet. Pyongyang seems to be enforcing the role of the party, prioritizing regime solidarity and implementing conservative policies at home and abroad in the aftermath of failed liberal economic policies (albeit partial and limited) over the last decade.

Abstract The Internet poses a “dilemma” to authoritarian countries. While it can bring economic dynamism to a country, it can also cause political destabilization by enabling economic and political information to flow freely beyond governmental control. Internet policies vary from country to country depending upon their own strategies, their level of economic development and international politics. This paper discusses and examines political and economic implications of the Internet in North Korea in relation to theories and notions of the Internet dilemma and control policy in authoritarian regimes. North Korea cannot move drastically from its restrictive and reactive Internet policy to a proactive policy unless there are radical changes of the regime with regard to international relations and economic development. It is expected that North Korea will gradually experiment building and using an intranet internally, and increase the level of Internet opening while arranging technological and institutional measures to mitigate the risks which the Internet may cause. Until recently, the United States and North Korea have had rows over North Korea's nuclear and missile tests, and will continue to do so for some time. These disputes affect North Korea's policy regarding the Internet. However, the political environment surrounding the Korean peninsula is changing very fast. Despite North Korea's rocket launch in April and nuclear test in May 2009, dialogue will begin between North Korea and the United States under the Obama administration. Given the recent changes, it is expected that North Korea will follow Cuba's control policy to minimize the risk of the Internet in the first instance, and then China's open policy to maximize the value of the Internet. When North Korea considers the regime is secured, it will open the Internet with some control measures in place, while free access to the Internet is currently allowed only in special economic zones. Notes 1. David C. Gompert, “Right Makes Might: Freedom and Power in the Information Age,” in Strategic Appraisal: The Changing Role of Information in Warfare, ed. Zalmay Khalilzad, John P. White, and Andrew W. Marshall (Santa Monica, CA: RAND, 1999); Christopher R. Kedzie, Communication and Democracy: Coincident Revolutions and the Emergent Dictator's Dilemma (Santa Monica, CA: RAND, 1997); George P. Shultz, “New Realities and New Ways of Thinking,” Foreign Affairs 63, no. 4 (Spring 1985): 705–21. 2. Shanthi Kalathil and Taylor C. Boas, Open Networks, Closed Regimes: The Impact of the Internet on Authoritarian Rule (Washington, D.C.: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 2003); Francoise Mengin, “The Changing Role of the State in Greater China in the Age of Information,” in Cyber China: Reshaping National Identities in the Age of Information, ed. Francoise Mengin (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004); Jack Goldsmith and Tim Wu, Who Controls the Internet: Illusions of a Borderless World (New York: Oxford University Press, 2006); Tamara Renee Shie, “The Tangled Web: Does the Internet Offer Promise or Peril for the Chinese Communist Party?” Journal of Contemporary China 13, no. 40 (August 2004): 523–40. 3. Kyungmin Ko, IT Strategy in North Korea (Seoul: Communication Books, 2004). 4. According to a source at the Ministry of Unification, there were 120,000 to 130,000 computers in North Korea in 2001, which is estimated at 185 persons per computer. Ministry of Unification, 2001 Overall Evaluation of North Korea Economy, (Seoul: Ministry of Unification, 2001). 5. Heejin Lee and Jaeho Hwang, “ICT Development in North Korea: Changes and Challenges,” IT and International Development 2, no. 1 (2004): 75–87. 6. Heejin Lee and Jaeho Hwang, “ICT Development in North Korea: Changes and Challenges,” IT and International Development 2, no. 1 (2004): 75–87. 7. Kalathil and Boas, Open Networks, Closed Regimes; Taylor C. Boas, “The Dictator's Dilemma? The Internet and U.S. Policy toward Cuba,” The Washington Quarterly 23, no. 3 (Summer 2000): 57–67. 8. Nina Hachigian, “The Internet and Power in One-Party East Asian States,” The Washington Quarterly 25, no. 3 (Summer 2002): 41. 9. Kalathil and Boas, Open Networks, Closed Regimes; Lee and Hwang, “ICT Development in North Korea”; for a recent example, see Myroslaw J. Kyj, “Internet Use in Ukraine's Orange Revolution,” Business Horizons 49, no. 1 (2006): 71–80. 10. Nina Hachigian, “Political Implications of the Information Revolution in Asia,” in The Information Revolution in Asia, ed., Nina Hachigian and Lily Wu (Santa Monica, CA: RAND, 2003), 71–2; Hao Xiaoming and Chow Seet Kay, “Factors Affecting Internet Development: An Asian Survey,” First Monday 9, no. 2 (2004), http://firstmonday/htbin/cgiwrap/bin/ojs/index.php/fm/article/view/1118/1038. 11. Kalathil and Boas, Open Networks, Closed Regimes; Randy Kluver and Kack Linchuan Qiu, “China, the Internet and Democracy,” in Rhetoric and Reality: The Internet Challenge for Democracy in Asia, ed., Indrajit Banerjee (Singapore: Eastern University Press, 2003); Mengin, “The Changing Role of the State in Greater China in the Age of Information.” 12. Nina Hachigian, “China's Cyber-Strategy,” Foreign Affairs 80, no. 2 (March/April 2001): 118; Michael S. Chase and James C. Mulvenon, You've Got Dissent! Chinese Dissident Use of the Internet and Beijing's Counter-Strategies (Santa Monica, CA: RAND, 2002), xiii. 13. Shanthi Kalathil and Taylor C. Boas, “The Internet and State Control in Authoritarian Regimes: China, Cuba, and the Counterrevolution,” Carnegie Endowment Working Papers, no. 21 (July 2001), 3. 14. Shanthi Kalathil and Taylor C. Boas, “The Internet and State Control in Authoritarian Regimes: China, Cuba, and the Counterrevolution,” Carnegie Endowment Working Papers, no. 21 (July 2001), 3–4. 15. Hachigian, “The Internet and Power in One-Party East Asian States,” 42–3. 16. Kalathil and Boas, “The Internet and State Control in Authoritarian Regimes,” 17. 17. Kalathil and Boas, “The Internet and State Control in Authoritarian Regimes,” 16. 18. BBC News, “Google Move ‘Black Day’ for China,” BBC News, January 25, 2006, http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/technology/4647398.stm (accessed August 16, 2006). 19. Boas, “The Dictator's Dilemma.” 20. Kalathil and Boas, “The Internet and State Control in Authoritarian Regimes,” 17. 21. Boas, “The Dictator's Dilemma.” 22. Hachigian, “The Internet and Power in One-Party East Asian States,” 41–58; Hachigian, “Political Implications of the Information Revolution in Asia.” 23. Internet Corporation for Assigned Names and Numbers (ICANN), “Clarification Regarding .KP Country Code Top-Level Domain,” August 17, 2007, http://www.iana.org/root-whois/kp.htm. 24. Reporters Without Borders reported North Korea's registration of ccTLD: “North Korea has only two websites registered under the domain name ‘.kp,’ acquired at the end of 2007: the official computer center (http://www.kcce.kp), which also acts as a surveillance body on the North Korean network, and the government portal (http://www.naenara.kp). The Web is used as a propaganda tool in the service of the Kim Jong Il regime.” However, these websites were not traceable at time of writing this article (April 2009). Reporters without Borders USA, “North Korea,” Reporters without Borders USA, March 12, 2009, http://www.rsf.org/article.php3?id_article=26139&Valider=OK. 25. Kyungmin Ko, Seungkwon Jang, and Heejin Lee, “.kp North Korea,” in Digital Review of Asia Pacific 2007/2008, ed., Felix Librero and Patricia B. Arinto (India: Sage, 2008), 39–40. 26. JoongAng Daily, “North Growing Computer Network,” JoongAng Daily, December 5, 2002, http://joongangdaily.joins.com/article/view.asp?aid=1912016. 27. Ko, Jang and Lee, “.kp North Korea,” 39–40. 28. Most of the sites in the Appendix no longer exist. Only a few (e.g. Chosun Tongsin, Chosun Sinbo, People's Korea and Uriminzokkiri) are still active. 29. The distinction between “official” and “unofficial” websites is meaningless in the North Korean case. Hiroyasu Akutsu, “Is the Internet on the Side of ‘Rogue States’? A Lesson from the North Korean Case,” ifrm.glocom.ac.jp/gii/akutsu19990621en.html (accessed August 3, 2002). It is partly because it is more or less impossible to see differences between official and unofficial sites in that all serve the propaganda purposes of the North Korean regime, and partly because unofficial sites outnumber official sites. 30. Kyungmin Ko, Heejin Lee, and Seungkwon Jang, “North Korea's IT Dilemma and Dualist Strategy,” Informatization Policy 14, no. 4 (Winter 2007): 87; Kyungmin Ko, “A Study of Method and Strategy to Build e-Government in North Korea,” North Korean Studies Review 7, no. 2 (2003): 299–329. 31. Boas, “The Dictator's Dilemma,” 62. 32. Younghwan Lee, “North Korea's Internet, Where Is It?” Weekly Chosun, no. 1621, September 28, 2000. 33. Jaejung Kwon, “Science and Technological Information Service System, Kwang Myung.” Paper presented at the 42nd Conference of Science and Technology Association of Korean Residents in Japan and Symposiums on Science and Technology for Unification, Japan, October 5–6, 2002. 34. Chanmo Park, “The Present Situation and Task of South and North Korea's IT Industry Cooperation.” Paper presented at the 17th Future Strategies Forum, Korea Institute for Future Strategies, Seoul, August 24, 2002. 35. Government-published periodicals such as Kwahakŭi Segye (The World of Science) and the official journal of the cabinet Minju Chos[obreve]n (Democratic Chos[obreve]n) have advocated the benefits of using the Internet for the public. Kwahakŭi Segye, “What are Main Functions of the Internet?” Kwahakŭi Segye, March 1996; Kwahakŭi Segye, “Scientific research and international information communication network: Internet,” Kwahakŭi Segye, February 1996; Minju Chos[obreve]n, “What is the Internet?” Minju Chos[obreve]n, January 21, 2000. 36. The president of Chos[obreve]n Cheshin Co. (Chos[obreve]n Posts and Telecommunications Corporation), Mr Chol-Poong Hwang said in an interview with a North Korean newspaper, Chosun Sinbo (February 1, 2003) that North Korea will not open the Internet due to its possibly threatening national security. Chosun Iilbo, “North Korea, Impossible to Open the Internet Due to Regime Maintenance,” Chosun Iilbo, October 3, 2003, http://nk.chosun.com/news/news.html?ACT=detail&cat_id=4&res_id=39323&page=2. 37. Chosun Ilbo, “N. Korea Likely to Provide Internet Service from 2009,” Chosun Ilbo, August 7, 2008, http://english.chosun.com/w21data/html/news/200808/200808070011.html. 38. Christopher Hale, “Real Reform in North Korea? The Aftermath of the July 2002 Economic Measures,” Asian Survey 45, no. 6 (2005): 823–42. 39. Richard Tait, “Playing by the Rules in Korea: Lessons Learned in the North–South Economic Engagement,” Asian Survey 43, no. 2 (2003): 305–28; Meredith Jung-en Woo, “North Korea in 2005: Maximizing Profit to Save Socialism,” Asian Survey 46, no. 1 (2006): 49–55. 40. “Perhaps five years hence, when one in ten Chinese citizens will have Internet access and virtually everyone will know someone with an account, the shift in information control and communication will have the potential to undermine CCP [China Communist Party] rule.” Hachigian, “China's Cyber-Strategy,” 131–2. 41. We can find a similar case in Saudi Arabia where all connections to domestic and overseas sites go through a proxy server in the KACST (King Abdulaziz City for Science and Technology), which is the control center in Jeddah. From KACST, Saudi authorities can block access to the websites deemed unfit for the country's Internet users. Saudi Arabia implemented this type of central control when it opened the Internet in February 1999. See Khalid M. Al-Tawil, “The Internet in Saudi Arabia,” Telecommunications Policy 25, no. 8–9 (September 2001): 625–32; ONI (OpenNet Initiative), Internet Filtering in Saudi Arabia in 2004, http://www.opennetinitiative.net/studies/saudi/ONI_Saudi_Arabia_Country_Study.pdf, (accessed October 5, 2006); Al-Saggaf, Yeslam, “Exploring Political Online Forums in Saudi Arabia Through Thematic Content Analysis,” in Computing and Philosophy in Asia, ed., Soraj Hongladarom (Newcastle, UK: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2007). 42. Ko, Lee, and Jang, “North Korea's IT Dilemma and Dualist Strategy.” 43. Ko, “A Study of Method and Strategy to Build e-Government in North Korea,” 316–20. 44. Woo, “North Korea in 2005”; Heejin Lee, Sungkwon Jang and Kyungmin Ko, ‘‘Korea, Democratic People's Republic of,’’ in Digital Review of Asia Pacific 2009/2010, ed. S. Akhtar and P. Arinto (New Delhi: Sage, 2009), 229–33. 45. Hachigian, “The Internet and Power in One-Party East Asian States,” 44. 46. This concern is nowhere better expressed than in a recent article, Economist, “North Korea and the Internet: Weird But Wired,” Economist, February 3, 2007, http://www.economist.com/world/asia/displaystory.cfm?story_id=8640881 (accessed June 13, 2007): “No one in Pyongyang has forgotten that glasnost and perestroika—openness and transparency—killed the Soviet Union.” 47. Lee and Hwang, “ICT Development in North Korea.” 48. Sebastian Harnisch, “U.S.–North Korean Relations under the Bush Administration: From ‘Slow Go’ to ‘No Go’,” Asian Survey 42, no. 6 (2002): 856–82. 49. Boas, “The Dictator's Dilemma,” 60.

한국에서 정치의 역사는 매우 길다. 한국인은 나름대로 정치에 대한 생각을 가꾸어 왔다. 『삼국유사』에 따르면 고조선은 이미 ‘홍익인간－사람을 크게 이롭게 함’을 정치이념으로 내걸었음을 알 수 있다. 이에서 우리는 한국인이 일찍부터 정치의 목적을 사람이 사람다울 수 있도록 도우는 일에 두었음을 볼 수 있다. 삼국시대 이래로 한국인은 정치에 대한 생각을 바깥에서 빌려 오는 일이 많았다. 예컨대 조선왕조는 중국의 성리학에서, 대한민국은 서구의 근대학문에서 정치에 대한 생각을 빌려 왔다. 한국인은 빌려 온 생각을 본디의 생각에 담아서 한국적인 정치문화를 펼쳐왔다. 본 연구는 한국인이 갖고 있는 정치에 대한 생각을 분석하고 설명하는 것에 목적을 두고 있다. 이를 위해서 정치, 정체, 통치, 다스림, 국가, 국민, 정당, 사람, 사람다움, 그위, 고루, 두루 등을 묻고 따졌다. 한국인은 일찍부터 정치를 바르게 다스리는 일로 여겨 왔다. 한국인은 바르게 다스리기 위해서 벼슬아치는 그위의 자리에 올라서 아래에 있는 모든 사람을 고루고루, 그리고 두루두루 보살펴야 한다고 생각한다. 이를 통해서 모두가 함께 어울려서 잘 살아갈 수 있다. 한국인은 이러한 바람을 바탕에 깔고서 정치를 펼쳐 왔다.

지난 2002년 ‘세계 고령화 위원회’(Commission on Global Aging)는 각국의 인구 고령화의 경제적ㆍ재정적 악영향 해결을 위한 ‘정책적 권고안’(Recommendations)을 발표하였다. 본 논문에서는 동 위원회의 연구 결과와 권고안을 중심으로 미국과 한국의 고령화 문제를 재조명해 보고자 한다.

한국 선거에서는 경제투표에 대한 연구는 세 가지 방법론적 난점들을 안고 있는데, 그것은 지역주의 통제의 문제와 경제적 변수 측정의 문제, 동태적 관점의 부재 등으로 요약될 수 있다. 본 연구는 새로운 데이터와 방법론의 도입을 통해 이러한 한계를 극복하고 한국선거의 연구영역을 넓히려는 시도이다. 그 해결책의 하나로써 본 연구는 중범위 집합데이터의 적극적 활용이 필요함을 주장하며, 분석의 한 예로 부동산 가격 변동이 2000년대 한국의 선거에 미친 영향을 살펴본다. 보다 구체적으로, 본 연구는 표준정당충성도의 개념을 도입하여 지난 선거들에서 이어지는 장기적 경향을 통제한 후, 부동산 가경의 변동이 선거에 어떤 단기적 영향을 미치는가를 살펴본 결과 다음의 결론에 다다랐다. 첫째, 자가 소유자들은 비소유자들보다 부동산 가격 상승에 대해 정부 여당을 적극적으로 보상하는 경향이 잇는 반면, 둘째, 비소유자들은 부동산 가격 상승을 정부 여당에 대한 처벌로 연결시키는 데에는 소극적이다. 셋째, 이런 패턴은 대통령 선거나 국회의원 총선 등의 전국적 선거에서 더 강하게 드러나고 지방선거에서는 덜 나타나며, 넷째, 정당명부에 대한 비례대표 선거에서는 보다 더 정파적인 지지를 보내면서 경제적 고려는 덜 하는 것으로 나타났다.&#13;\n&#13;\nThe literature on economic voting in Korea generally suffers from three methodological difficulties: namely, how to control for the regional voting pattern that has dominated Korean elections; how to measure the relevant economic variables; and how to consider and incorporate the dynamic aspect of elections. These difficulties are indeed general dilemmas that are directly related with how survey data sets are collected and organized. I propose an empirical model that can overcome such difficulties utilizing "mid-range" aggregate analysis which combine electoral returns, the fluctuation of real-estate values, and the ownership structure of the electorate. The results show that the Korean voters tho own households tend to reward the incumbent party more actively when real-estate values rise, while non-owners are less active in punishing the incumbent party and its candidates. Korean voters also recognize and differentiate high-profile elections against lower-profile or local elections: they tend to weigh the economic situation more heavily in presidential and national assembly elections; on the other hand, the results show that economy matters less in local elections. As the paper exemplifies, I argue that more important issues and research agendas can be tackled by the literature when we expand our methodological scope in studying Korean elections.

이 논문은 신생민주주의 체제에서 진행된 과거 권위주의 정권하의 국가폭력(state terror)에 대한 과거청산(historical rectification) 과정을 비교 연구하고 있다. 과거청산은 일반시민, 시민단체, 정당, 종교단체 등 다양한 주체를 통해 제기되며, 구 정권하에서 자행된 부당한 처우와 피해에 대해 보상하고 향후 잘못된 관행을 제거하기 위한 입법적, 행정적, 사법적 절차로 이어진다. 그러나 과거청산의 과정은 경로 의존적(path-dependent) 성격으로 인해 결과의 차이를 가져온다. 1980년대 후반 유사한 민주적 전환을 경험한 한국과 대만은 전환의 과정에서 권위주의 정권하의 국가폭력 사례 중에서 5.18항쟁과 2.28사건에 대한 과거청산의 문제가 제기되면서 청산이 진행되었다. 그러나 5.18항쟁이 성공적인 과거청산으로 평가되는 반면 2.28사건은 아직도 청산을 제대로 수행하지 못했다는 평가를 받는다. 본 논문은 이 두 사례의 과거청산 과정을 비교 분석함으로써 신생민주주의 과거청산에서 그 결과의 차이를 가져온 원인을 규명한다.

본 연구는 소선거구 양당제 선거제도에서 발전한 대표적인 두 이론이 제18대 국회의원 선거 지역구별 투표율 분석에 지니는 설명력을 검증하는 것을 목적으로 한다. 이를 위해 유권자의 합리적 선택에 초점을 두는 합리적 선택모형과 경쟁력 있는 후보들의 전략적 선거활동에 초점을 두는 전략적선거활동모형을 2표병립제 하에서 다당경쟁의 특성을 띠는 한국의 국회의원 선거제도에 적용하는 경우 예상되는 이론적, 경험적 분석의 적실성을 검토한다. 특히, 전략적선거활동모형을 한국 상황에 적용하기 위한 새로운 경험적 지표를 개발하고 이를 분석에 적용한다. 본 연구의 경험적 분석 결과는 한국의 유권자들의 경우 선거경합도(closeness)에 대한 인식을 통해 투표에 참여할 것인가에 대한 합리적 결정을 내릴 뿐 아니라 치열한 선거경쟁에 대처하기 위해 전략적으로 선거비용지출액을 늘리는 정치엘리트들의 전략적 선거활동에 의해 투표 참여에 추동되기도 한다는 점을 보여준다. 특히, 제18대 총선의 각 지역구별 투표율 변화에 후자의 영향력이 상대적으로 강했다는 사실을 보여준다. 이러한 결과는 한국 국회의원 선거의 투표율 향상을 위해서는 정치엘리트들의 적극적인 노력이 필요하며 다양한 노력 가운데 법정한도액 내에서 효과적인 선거비용지출 전략 수립이 필연적임을 함의한다.&#13;\n&#13;\nThis paper analyzed the turnout rates at the constituency level in Korean national election by appling the 'rational choice model' and the 'strategic political elites' activity model' to 2008 general elections. It frist investigates the applicability of the two models developed from a single member district system with two-party competition into the Korean electoral system characterizded by two-ballot mixed system and multi-party competition. By developing in Korean general elections, it shows that the turnout rates are determined by both electoral closeness which has direct impact on voters' calculus of voting and the amount of campaign spending by strategic political elites in response to the electoral competitiveness. In particular, the effect of the second is shown to be stronger than the first. these findings imply that Korean political elites should build effective campaign strategies to redress the low turnout rate problem.

공익성과 전문성을 갖춘 NGO의 자발적 입법참여는 입법과정에 있어서의 실질적 합법성을 부여함으로서 대의제 민주주의의 한계를 부분적으로 극복할 수 있다. 본 연구는 NGO의 입법참 여의 제도적 활성화에 대한 시론적 논의를 시도하였다. 이를 위해 국회사무처 공무원 112명과 국회의원 보좌관 135명에게 설문조사를 실시하였으며, 동시에 입법과정에 직접적으로 참여해봤 던 주요 8개 단체의 실무자를 대상으로 개별 면접을 실시하였다. 설문 결과 국회의원 보좌관과 국회사무처의 공무원들 모두 과반 이상이 NGO의 참여가 입법업무 수행에 필요하다는 의견에 동의하였으며, NGO의 참여방식에 대해서는 대개 공청회 및 토론회, 전문가 활용, 대정부 건의 등을 적절한 것으로 판단하면서 시위나 대중선전 등은 부정적으로 보고 있었다. 단체 실무자들 은 대개 국회와 NGO의 신뢰관계가 부족한 점을 공통적으로 답하면서 의회가 시민단체의 의견 제시를 여론으로 생각하지 않고 단순히 반대를 위한 반대로 인식하고 있음을 지적하였다. 의회 운영과 제도측면에서는 NGO가 공식적으로 참여할 수 있는 공청회와 입법청문회가 지극히 형 식적으로 운영되거나 아예 용인조차 되고 있지 않아서 참여의 공식적 통로들이 차단되어있다 는 의견이 많았다. 이를 반영하여 정책의제설정에 있어서의 사전적 과정으로서 NGO의 입법참 여를 보장하는 제도 구축이 시급하다. 우선 기존 제도화된 참여의 장을 정상적으로 운영하는 것이 필요하다. 즉 현재 공청회 개최에 대한 단서조항을 삭제하여 공청회의 실효성을 확보할 필요가 있다. 또한 입법청원과 관련하여 이를 독립적으로 심사할 수 있는 의회 내 특별기관을 설치하는 것도 검토될 수 있다. 장기적으로는 국회와 NGO가 입법의 방향, 제안, 평가 등을 통 해 제도발전을 꾀하는 국회 내 상시적인 기구를 설치하고 국회의 상임위별로 혹은 법안의 분 야별로 상시적으로 자문 및 논의기구를 설치하는 것도 필요하다.

2008년 제18대 총선에서 한국 유권자들은 2표병립제를 통해 지역구선거와 비례대표선거에서 각각 한 표씩 두 표를 행사하였다. 이 논문은 선거 후 실시한 두 가지 설문조사의 자료를 사용하여 이러한 2표병립제에서 일어나는 분할투표 현상에 대해 분석한다. 2표병립제 하에서 분할투표란 유권자가 지역구선거에서 선택한 후보의 정당이 비례대표선거에서 선택한 정당과 일치하지 않는 경우를 의미한다. 2008년 총선에서는 전체투표자의 25~35% 수준이 분할투표를 한 것으로 추정된다. 전체 분할투표에서 가장 많은 비중을 차지한 것은 지역수선거에서 한나라당, 비례대표선거에서 친박연대를 선택한 사례였다. 한나라당/친박연대의 분할투표는 전형적인 전략적 분할투표에 속한다. 이들 중 절반은 사표방지심리에 의해, 나머지 절반은 연합 보장 의도에 따라 분할투표를 한 경우라고 해석된다. 한편, 통합민주당/한나라당 분할투표는 정책균형 분할투표로 간주될 수 있을 것이다. 이들 대부분은 진보정당에 의해 견제 받지 않는 보수정당의 국회 내 독주를 우려해 분할투표를 하였다고 보여진다.&#13;\n&#13;\nThe Korean voters were provided two ballots each under a mixed-member majoritarian system in the 18th general election for the National Assembly: one supporting a candidate in the single-member plurality district, and the other for choosing a party list under a nationwide proportional representation(PR) system. Using the data from two post-election surveys, this paper has investigated the patterns of split-ticket voting in which the party of the district candidate chosen by a voter is not the same as the party supported for at-large PR. About 25 to 35 percent of the total voting participants engaged in split-ticket voting. The most frequent case of split-ticket voting was that of the GNP chosen for the single-seat district along with the Pro-Park Coalition for PR. The GNP/Pro-Park case of split-ticket voting resulted typically from strategic voting. Almost half of them split their vote in order to avoid wasting their votes, while another half of them made this choice for the purpose of insuring the legislative coalition of the GNP and Pro-Park. On the other hand, thd UDP/GNP case could be seen as relevant to policy-balancing split-ticket voting. Most of these voters split their vote, because they were concerned about the emergence of extremely conservative legislature unchecked by any progressive party within the institution.

이 논문은 17대 국회 특별교부금 배분을 사례로 한국에서 자원배분의 정치(distributive politics)를 분석한다. 기존의 경험적 연구들은 대통령을 중심행위자로 가정하고 득표극대화와 통치수월성을 높일 목적으로 이전재원을 배분하는 메커니즘을 밝혀냈다. 이 논문은 기존의 대통령 중심 연구에서 벗어나, 의석수를 늘리고자 하는 정당과 자신의 지역구에 보다 많은 재원을 유치하고자 하는 현역의원의 인센티브구조를 분석한다. 이 연구는 선거승리를 고려한 현역 의원과 정당의 개입으로 인해 자원이 어디에 배분되는지를 살펴보았다. 최근 공개된 17대 국회의 특별교부금을 사례로 선거구 분석단위에 적용하여 경험적으로 분석한다. 특별교부금이라는 소재는 비공개성과 자의성 덕분에 정치적 인센티브의 작동 메커니즘을 적나라하게 보여준다. 계량경제학적 분석결과, 야당에서만 의석을 극대화하기 위한 자원배분이 이뤄지고 있는 것으로 나타났다. 주어진 자원에 대해 야당은 전략적인 투자(targeting)가 이뤄지는 반면, 집권당은 그렇지 못한 것으로 드러났다. 또한 해당 상임위원회 소속의원들의 특혜적 배분행태도 관찰할 수 있었다.

이념의 공급자로서의 정치사회의 이념생산능력과 수요자로서의 유권자의 수용성과 일관성을 기준으로 선거와 이념을 정치적 모델을 제시한다. 유권자와 정치사회의 이념적 강약에 따라 네 가지 유형으로 나누어 볼 수 있다. 유권자, 정치사회 모두 약한 이념적 성향을 보이는 탈이념적 선거 정당해체(dealignment) 모델이 있고, 유권자는 강한, 정당은 약한 이념성인 상향식 이념선거 카르텔(Cartelized) 모델이 있다. 또한 유권자는 약한, 정당은 강한 이념적 성향의 하향식이념선거 경쟁엘리트적(competitive elite) 모델이 있으며 유권자, 정당 모두 강한 이념적 성향인 정당재편성 (realignment)모델이 있다. 설문조사분석결과 한국의 유권자는 약한 이념성을 보이고 있는 반면 정치사회는 강한 이념성을 보여 한국정치와 선거는 경쟁엘리트적 모델에 가깝다. 따라서 한국정치가 우리가 지향하는 이념선 거 혹은 정당재편 모델로 가려면 유권자의 이념적 수용성과 일관성을 제고하는 것이 우선 필요하다. 이념은 유권자와 정치사회의 상호작용 속에서 심화 확대되는 것이다. 따라서 새로운 이념적 이슈를 만들어 내고, 선거의 주요 쟁점으로 만드는 정치지도자의 노력이 있다면 이념선거와 정당재편성모델로 변화할 것이다.

본 연구는 제18대 총선의 후보자 공천과정을 중심으로 한국 정당의 분권화(decentralization) 수준 및 포괄성(inclusiveness)의 정도를 평가 하는 것을 그 목적으로 한다. 특히, 두 개의 주요 정당인 한나라당과 통합민주당의 국회의원 후보자 선출(candidate selection) 과정에서, 중앙과 지방 및 지역의 정당조직에 권한이 어떻게 분배되어있는지, 또한 후보자를 선출할 수 있는 권한이 어느 정도로 개방되어 있는지를 분석하고자 하는 것이다. 이를 위해 분권화의 수준은 라니(Ranney)의 일곱 가지 범주를 기준으로, 포괄성의 정도는 라햇과 하잔(Rahat and Hazan)의 여섯 가지 범주를 바탕으로 연구의 지표를 설정하였다. 우선, 한나라당과 민주통합당의 18대 총선에서 공천과정을 이러한 지표를 기준으로 각 당의 관련 당헌 및 당규의 규정과 실제 운영 과정을 구체적으로 살펴보았다. 이 때 각 정당의 제17대 총선의 공천과정과 비교하여 당내의 분권화 수준 및 포괄성의 정도가 다소 변화하였음을 알 수 있었다. 그리고 최종적으로 제18대 총선의 공천과정에서 나타난 양당의 특성을 비교 분석한 결과, 전체적인 측면에서 본다면 분권화의 수준과 포괄성의 정도가 유사한 형태를 보이지만, 공천과정을 세부화하여 분석한 결과 포괄성과 관련하여 양 정당 간에 인식 가능한 차이가 존재함을 보였다.&#13;\n&#13;\nThis study purposes to examine the degrees of decentralization and inclusiveness in Korean parties. In particular, focusing on candidate selection processes the Grand National Party and the Democratic Party, this paper analyzes whether power over the process is distributed among national, regional, and local levels, and whether the qualifications for participation in the process are restrictive. The indexes for decentralization and inclusiveness for participation in the process are restrictive. The indexes for decentralization and inclusiveness base on the centralization typology of Ranney and the inclusiveness classification of Rahat and Hazan. The first two sections explores relevant rules or regulations and actual procedures in candidate selection of both parties in the 18th general election. Furthermore, comparing with the 17th election, these sections show changes and differences in each party's candidate selection process. Finally, the comparative analysis on decentralization of candidate selection process in Korean parties.

This paper assesses the role of the Korea Campaign to Ban Landmines (KCBL) in the internalization of anti-landmine norms in the Republic of Korea. The KCBL, a NGO network specializing in landmine issues, has been a successful intermediary between international anti-landmine norms and domestic politics. It has carried out fact-finding surveys to reveal the existence of landmine victims who were overshadowed by security concerns, and has co-opted politicians and other social movement groups to increase awareness of landmines as a human security threat. Also, it has pressured the Korean government to give up “dumb” landmines and clear landmine fields in the rear. The Korean government, which has faced a dilemma between international criticism and security concerns, has partially incorporated anti-landmine norms, even though it refused to sign the Ottawa Convention in 1997. Furthermore, the National Assembly has been reviewing a few draft bills which would compensate landmine victims. This case shows that non-governmental actors can play a crucial role in internalizing international norms in domestic politics.

In this study, we proceed on the assumption that where the rule of law prevails, parliament becomes the key institution of democratic governance. To transform delegative or limited democracy into a truly representative democracy, it is necessary to ensure not only vertical but also horizontal accountability. This study considers the horizontal dimensions of accountability in order to provide a fuller picture of the part that the Korean legislature has played during the course of democratic regime change. It examines the current process of economic policymaking under democratic rule, using evaluative data from the lawmakers who serve on the National Assembly Committee on Finance and Economy. The authoritarian “sunflower” model presented an extreme version of technocracy, featuring efficient decision – making mostly by technocrats with little or no consultation with other governmental and nongovernmental institutions, including the National Assembly. The current model has, on the other hand, moderated technocratic control such that technocrats formulate policies in consultation with other, more diverse interests. Obviously, this model falls far short of manifesting a fully democratic model of economic policymaking in which the president and elected lawmakers formulate policy jointly in the context of extensive consultation with civic groups and all other relevant governmental and non-governmental organizations and interests.

For the last two decades, democratic politics in South Korea have been accompanied by two salient political issues: the continuous fission and fusion of political parties, and regionalism. This chapter discusses the origins, dynamics and decline of the Roh Moo-hyun administration and reviews the coalition politics in the post-democratisation period in South Korea, thus aiming to place the conflict between government and opposition, and the Roh Moo-hyun administration's attempt to attain a majority status in the legislature in historical context. It describes four major reform initiatives requiring legislation to illustrate the difficulties encountered by the Roh Moo-hyun administration and the ruling Uri Party in the legislature. The chapter turns attention to the president's proposal to form a grand coalition to overcome institutional constraints. After the failure of the proposal for a grand coalition and the two by-election defeats, Roh Moo-hyun rapidly lost control. Keywords: failure; fission; fusion; reform; Roh Moo-hyun administration; South Korea; Uri Party

Abstract.An interesting phenomenon in recent South Korean electoral politics is the generation gap. In the 2002 presidential and the 2004 National Assembly elections, voting behaviour was sharply split between different age groups. A main question of this article is to figure out the underlying characteristics of the generational differences in the two elections and of the ideological division in the South Korean context. Findings show that the generation gap reflects different assessments of the authoritarian period and its inheritance. Young voters took a libertarian view and a negative assessment of the authoritarian era, while older voters, especially in their fifties and older, had a positive attitude toward the authoritarian legacies. Roh Moo-hyun's victory was largely attributed to his successful mobilization of young voters' generational rebellion.Résumé.Un des phénomènes intéressants dans la vie politique électorale sud-coréenne concerne les différences de générations. Les groupes d'âge différents ont montré un comportement électoral différencié dans les élections présidentielles de 2002 et les législatives de 2004. L'interrogation majeure de cet article est de trouver les principales caractéristiques des différences générationnelles dans les deux élections, ainsi que les clivages idéologiques dans le contexte sud-coréen. Les résultats de cette étude montrent que les différences générationnelles reflètent celles du jugement sur la période du régime autoritaire et de ses héritages. Les jeunes électeurs possèdent une vision libertaire et un jugement négatif sur la période du régime autoritaire, tandis que les électeurs plus âgés, notamment ceux qui ont plus de 50 ans, font preuve d'une attitude positive sur les héritages de la période autoritaire. La victoire de Roh Moo-hyun s'explique en grande partie par la mobilisation réussie de la révolte générationnelle de jeunes électeurs.

North Korea is often characterized as some form of highly centralized rule: totalitarian, posttotalitarian, corporatist, or personalistic. This article argues that much of the confusion around understanding North Korea's actions stems from misplaced models. Much of the current thinking on North Korea's politics does not account for the limited institutional plurality in the system. The article documents how the state's political institutions have changed since the country's founding and highlights the formal and informal roles of each major bureaucracy today. The Korean Workers Party and the role of Juche have declined, but the National Defense Commission and “military-first politics” have not taken their place as reigning supreme. Rather the interaction between the Korean Workers Party, military, and cabinet helps explain and moderate policy outcomes.

Abstract This paper examines the internal dynamics of Korean political parties to understand why the minority coalition government of Kim Dae-jung suffered from political stalemate or deadlocks in the legislature. It shows that a focus on the size of the government in terms of a majority status in the legislature does not offer a convincing explanation of why the Kim Dae-jung administration slid towards ungovernability. Instead better insights come from an analysis of party organization, an aspect of party politics rarely examined through in-depth analysis. The paper shows that in terms of the key dimensions of organization (leadership type, factionalism, funding, linkage role) Korean political parties fail to connect citizens to the political system.

Abstract This paper analyzes Japan's concerns, as well as its prioritization and leverage points, in multilateral negotiations on North Korea's nuclear programme within the Six-Party Talks. It argues that Japan has deliberately taken an obstructionist stance in multilateral negotiations and that three issues are relevant to understanding Japan's actions: Japan's close relations with the US, its preference for economic rather than political diplomacy, and the dominance of single-issue politics influenced by domestic political considerations. In the Six-Party Talks, Japan has played a largely circumstantial role in the practical sense while being a powerful spoiler in broader, strategic terms. Tokyo wants a denuclearized Korean Peninsula and a stable neighbour, but a Six-Party Talks solution – which would enhance China's standing – is in itself not a priority. Moreover, Pyongyang provides a welcome justification to the Japanese government for the enhancement of its security capabilities. Japanese interests are well served by retaining the status quo, which explains why Tokyo consciously adopted the role of spoiler. After the Bush administration removed North Korea from its list of terrorism sponsoring states, this position appears no longer sustainable.

This article discusses the production of “mixed-race” subjectivity in South Korea. It asks: how can we understand the lived experiences and histories of mixed-race people as integral to the logic of national governance, both past and present? Instead of regarding mixed-race people in Korea as an aberration or regrettable phenomenon, this article contends that their “otherness” is an outcome of the intensions, contradictions, and insecurities of national governance which coheres around discourse and legislation on the family. The testimony of various mixed-race people living in Korea reveals the racial, gendered, and sexual discursive modalities through which they were rendered outside the scope and meaning of Koreanness. Their testimony also corresponds with the discursive limits set forth by the government, particularly in the establishment of laws that govern desired familial relations within the climate of Cold War militarism, industrialization, and the post-democratization era of globalization and official multiculturalism. The longstanding and still practiced abjection of mixed-race people from South Korean society cannot be understood without exploring the intersection between a racial politics of “blood purity” and a gendered politics of patriarchy that works in service of an imagined Korean homogeneity.

The year 2007 witnessed a gradual rapprochement between North Korea and the world, reflecting changes both in the country's external environment and domestic political economy. Key markers were the resumption of the Six-Party Talks and the second North-South summit. Whether these developments will endure depends largely on North Korean intentions.

이 연구는 1992년 이후 2002년에 이르기까지 한국의 역대 대통령 선거와 2004년 국회의원 선거에서 약소 후보 및 정당을 가장 선호하는 유권자들이 자신들의 선호와 상이한 투표행태를 보이는 전략적 투표가 선거 결과에 미친 영향 및 이들의 투표선택을 결정하는 요인에 관한 것이다. 연구의 주요한 발견은 다음과 같다. 첫째, 한국에서 전략적 투표는 역대 대통령선거와 국회의원 선거의 결과에 상당한 영향을 미친 것으로 나타났다. 둘째, 전략적 투표는 주요 정당들에게 불균등한 영향을 미쳤으며 최근의 선거에서는 집권여당의 득표에 훨씬 긍정적인 영향을 미쳤다. 셋째, 전략적 투표 결정에는 유권자의 이념, 정부의 업적에 대한 평가 등 선호정당을 대신해 투표하는 차선의 정당이 갖는 효용성의 변수들뿐만 아니라, 유권자의 학력, 수입 등이 영향을 미쳤다. 하지만 이 변수들의 영향은 후보 또는 정당에 따라 상이하였다.

The political system in North Korea has been characterized as a "Suryong Dominant Party-State System." Since the mid-1980s, however, its political system has displayed two interesting aspects. Formally, the broad "Suryong System" has been maintained; in practice, however, the Workers' Party of Korea, the Korean People's Army, and the government have come to acquire respectively different and considerably strengthened roles. Under this new regime, Kim Jong Il (Suryong) directly rules over the party, the government, and the military. Meanwhile, the political-ideological base, the military base, and the economic base are administered respectively by the party, the army, and the government. Interestingly, while the power of the party still overwhelms that of the military and the government, the party's means of influence has changed from giving direct orders to providing provisions or encouraging policy outlines.

IntroductionObservers tend to label Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) as a bizarre political system that can only be understood on its own terms. One respected analyst suggests that DPRK might just be the strangest political system in existence.1 Some observers argue that North Korea is a dangerous rogue state that is heavily armed, unpredictable and dangerous.2 Others argue that North Korea, while strange at first glance, becomes more comprehensible and less threatening in context of Korean history and culture.3 An analysis of nature and evolution of DPRK's political system may provide important clues as to motivations, policy preferences, and Pyongyang regime's potential for conflict management.At outset it is important to ask: what is nature and scope of conflict? According to Niklas Swanstrom, Mikael Weissmann and Emma Bjornehed, a conflict entails perceived differences in positions between two or more parties at same moment in time.4 The conflict on Korean Peninsula is complex, multifaceted, concerns a number of different issue positions, and at least six parties. For purposes of this article, however, I will just identify what appears to have become critical in recent years: disposition of North Korea's nuclear program. While ongoing six-party talks involve North Korea, South Korea, Russia, Japan, China and United States, of North Korea's nuclear program boils down to a deep-seated conflict between Pyongyang and Washington. Baldly put, on one hand, United States has adamantly insisted that Pyongyang's nuclear program be completely, verifiably and irreversibly dismantled while on other hand North Korea has been just as adamant in insisting that it has right to a nuclear program.5According to C.R. Mitchell, a conflict involves at least three aspects: attitudes, situation, and behaviors.6 This paper focuses on change and continuity in Pyongyang's political system rather than directly on conflict prevention or conflict management because author believes that this potential will not be tapped without major changes in North Korea's political system. The primary attitude of North Korean regime is one of hard-core indoctrination and absolute information control, primary situation in North Korea is extreme militarization, and primary behavior of Pyongyang regime is mobilization. The persistence of this attitude, this situation, and this behavior appears to seriously hinder prospects for any meaningful conflict management and certainly precludes possibility of conflict resolution.Totalitarianism and Post-TotalitarianismThis paper argues that North Korea's political system is best understood as an eroding totalitarian regime of communist variety.7 The DPRK appears to meet basic criteria for an orthodox communist regime: it has a Leninist party that monopolizes political power while espousing a Marxist ideology (socialism), administers a centrally planned economy, and means of production are publicly owned.8 Although some scholars consider North Korea to be something other than communist,9 closer examination reveals that DPRK is not radically different from other communist party-states.10North Korea also appears to meet following six defining characteristics of a totalitarian regime as identified by Carl Friedrich and Zbigniew Brzezinski: (1) an absolute dictator and mass party; (2) an ideology intent on totally transforming society; (3) a condition of terror; (4) a monopoly of coercive instruments; (5) a centrally planned economy; and (6) a monopoly of mass communication.11 A totalitarian regime strives to control every aspect of society. This type of regime requires an enemy to rationalize its perpetual war-footing mode. A clearly identifiable enduring threat is necessary to justify its repressive system of controls, constant effort to mobilize state and society, and regime's militarization. …

Abstract Dense informal networks between public- and private-sector elites have long been identified as a key institutional feature that had underpinned rapid economic development in many East Asian countries. With the outbreak of the Asian financial crisis in 1997, however, a number of scholars have cast doubt on the long-term efficacy of informal networks, discrediting the East Asian model as crony capitalism. Although these debates renewed our interests in the role of informal networks in East Asia, they fall short of highlighting the real dynamics underlying informal networks. Parachute appointment in Korea – political appointment of ex-politicians and ex-bureaucrats into public and private corporations – is a prime example demonstrating political intervention in the formation and management of informal networks.We argue that the nature of political competition in Korea is a key to understanding the underlying dynamics of informal networks. First, Korean politicians, the president and the ruling party have actively engaged in making and maintaining the networks of parachute appointment. Second, owing to its politicized nature, parachute appointment is neither institutionalized nor stably managed. In the current highly uncertain political and economic situation, both public and private corporations have actively embraced parachute appointment as a means of fortifying external networking with the incoming political leadership.

Abstract In this article, I examine how the spatiality of the state and its associated territorial politics can have an impact on the spatial and scalar restructuring of the state. Building on recent theoretical developments on state space, this article examines how territorial politics can be organized under the particular spatiality of the state, and how that particular form of territorial politics can have an impact on the future restructuring of state spatiality. In particular, by focusing on the spatial processes of state restructuring in South Korea, I will attempt to conceptualize the ways in which the spatiality of top‐down regulatory processes led by the state can generate inter‐scalar tensions between the national and the local; this, in turn, results in the downward rescaling of the state. More specifically, the empirical focus is on how the processes of decentralization in South Korea have been shaped by the influences of various kinds of territorial politics (for example, inter‐scalar tensions between the national and the local, territorialized party politics, etc.) that occur within the context of uneven regional development stemming from the spatial selectivity of state regulation. Résumé Cet article examine comment la dimension spatiale de l'Etat et les politiques territoriales afférentes peuvent affecter la restructuration de l'Etat en termes d'espace et d'échelle. A partir de théories récentes sur l'espace de l'Etat, est examinée la manière dont les politiques territoriales peuvent être organisées compte tenu de la spatialité spécifique de l'Etat,et dont cette forme spécifique de politique territoriale peut agir sur la restructuration future de la spatialité de l'Etat. En s'intéressant aux processus spatiaux de restructuration de l'État en Corée du Sud, ce travail tente de concevoir comment la dimension spatiale des processus réglementaires verticaux menés par l'Etat peut générer des tensions entre les échelons national et local, ce qui entraîne une réduction d'échelle de l'Etat. Plus précisément, l'intérêt empirique porte sur la façon dont les processus de décentralisation sud‐coréens ont subi l'influence de diverses sortes de politiques territoriales (comme les tensions entre échelons national et local, les politiques de parti territorialisées, etc.) existant dans le cadre d'un développement régional inégal issu de la sélectivité spatiale de la réglementation étatique.

본 연구는 정당간 갈등 가운데 필요에 의한 합의제 운영이라는 현실 속에서 과연 우리나라의 국회의원들은 국회운영과 의사결정 방식을 어떠한 성격의 것으로 인식하고 있으며， 향후 우리 국회가 지향해야 할 의사운영의 방식은 어떠한 것이 되어야 한다고 인식하고 있는지에 대해 설문조사를 통해 논의하는 것을 목적으로 하고 있다. 특히， 국회운영과 의사결정 방식에 대해 의원들의 인식이 다수결형을 원하는지 아니면 합의형을 희망하는 것인지를 살펴보는 것이 이 논문의 가장 중요한 연구 질문이다. 의원들에 대한 설문조사를 통해 국회의 운영 및 의사결정 방식에 대해 의원들은 정당간의 대결로 인해 다수결형이라고 대답한 의원들도 상당한 비중을 차지하고 있지만 그 보다는 합의형으로 파악한 의원들이 좀더 많다는 점을 알 수 있었다. 또한， 두 가지 경향과 상관없이 국회의원의 절대다수는 국회운영의 바람직한 방향은&#13;\n여야간 합의를 통한 방식이라고 강하게 인식하고 있음을 알 수 있었다. 그리고 합의형에 대한 의원들의 강한 선호는 상임위원회 위원장 배정방식에 대한 의견을 통해서도 발견할 수 있었다. 이러한 결과는 현재 국회운영이 정당간의 대결로 다양한 갈등 양상을 보임에도 불구하고 합의에 의하지 않고는 국회운영이 어렵다는 현실을 잘 보여주고 있는 것이다. 또한， 설문조사 결과는 갈등 속의 합의라는 우리 국회의 운영과 정책결정의 현실 속에서 의원들은 정당간의 갈등보다는 정당간 합의에 의한 의사운영이 바람직하다는 소망을 보이고 있는 것이라 하겠다.&#13;\n&#13;\nMany conflicts over interests exist among political parties within the National Assembly. Nevertheless, they have always resorted to a principle of consensus in dealing with their own problems due to circumstantial demands. This paper aims at examining, through questionnaires， Korean congressmens understanding of their decision-making process for congressional operation and their perspective on the issue. In particular, this research attempts to find out which system is preferable between majoritarian decision making and consensual decision making.&#13;\nA significant finding is that quite a few lawmakers prefer decision by majority"， which is thought to be a byproduct of confrontation among politic외 parties, but still a majority of them prefers decision by consensus". This tendency is well reflected in their opinion on the distribution of the chairmen in standing committees. It also indicates that they can hardly manage the Assembly affairs smoothly without consensus among themselves. As a result, the research advocates consensus rather than confrontation for productive congressional operation and wise decision-making within the Assembly.

본 연구의 목적은 국무총리 인사청문회 회의록에 대한 내용분석을 토대로 행정부-국회 관계를 측정할 수 있는 방식을 개발하고, 이를 통해 한국의 인사청문회는 어떠한 행정부-국회 관계양식이 지배적으로 나타나고 있는지를 경험적으로 밝히는데 있다. 구체적으로 본 연구는 대통령제 정부형태를 채택하고 있는 국가의 행정부-국회 관계를 논의할 때몽테스키외(Montesquieu)의 견제와 균형의 논리가 강조되지만 실제 현실정치에서는 정당의 영향력으로 인하여 그 관계 양상이 다르게 나타날 수 있다는 점을 지적하고 있다. 노무현 정권 시기 실시된 네 번의 국무총리 인사 청문회(고건, 이해찬, 한명숙, 한덕수) 회의록 분석결과, 전반적으로 그 과정이 소속 정당에 의해 주도되는 상황 속에서“여당의 방어-야당의 공세”라는 정당간 대립양식( inter-party mode)의 굴레를 크게 벗어나지 못하는 것으로 나타났다. 이것은 한국에서 국회가 하나의 분립된 정치기구로서 행정부를 견제하는 기능을 제대로 수행하고 있지 못하다는 하나의 사례가 될 수 있다고 하겠다. 그리고 이와 같은 문제를 해결하기 위해서는 원내 정당화 강화 등과 같이 국회의원의 자율성을 신장시킬 수 있는 다양한 제도적 방안을 모색하는 노력이 필요하다고 사료된다.

This study aims to examine factors obstructing or delaying the Korean party institutionalization and to put forward some alternatives for the institutionalization of party politics which is crucial to the democratic consolidation in Korea. This study primarily maintains that it is necessary to have more open and democratic grassroots party organization and to open up the candidate selection process not only to party members but also to voters who support party in order to induce voluntary participation of the electorate at the grassroots level. The voluntary participation of the electorate can constitute the basis of party institutionalization. The institutionalization of party politics can also be facilitated through the accumulation of the electorate's positive assessments of roles played by political party in political process and one of the most important fields of party politics is the legislature. Considering that excessive war-like confrontations between political parties and consequent legislative paralysis have contributed greatly to the delayed part institutionalization in Korea by deepening public dissatisfaction with party politics, it is important to facilitate the activities of floor and committee meetings by building up policy-oriented partnership or flexible policy coalition in the National Assembly In order to increase the flexibility in legislative process this study suggests that individual legislators and party organizations within the legislature have more autonomy.&#13;\n&#13;\n본 논문은 한국 민주주의의 공고화를 위해 필수적인 정당정치의 제도화를 저해하는 요인들을 검토하고, 정당정치의 제도화를 이루기 위한 당면 과제와 이를 해결하기 위한 방안들을 제시하는 것을 목적으로 하고 있다. 정당정치가 제도화되기 위해서는 우선 무엇보다도 자발적으로 참여하는 정당 당원들을 지속적으로 확보할 수 있는 방안들을 강구함으로써 정당의 안정적인 토대를 구축해 나갈 필요가 있다. 동시에 정당구조를 당원 뿐 아니라 당원이 아닌 유권자들과도 적극적으로 소통할 수 있는 개방적인 구조로 전환시킴으로써 정당환경의 빠른 변화에 대한 적응력을 갖추어 가는 것도 중요하다. 특히 정당과 유권자가 만나는 접점이라 할 수 있는 정당의 기초조직이 활성화 되고 당원이나 정당을 지지하는 유권자가 참여하는 후보 선출이 이루어지지 않은 상황에서 유권자들의 자발적인 정당정치 참여를 기대하기는 어렵기 때문에 정당 기초조직의 민주적 운영과 상향식 후보선출 제도는 시급히 정착될 필요가 있다. 또한 정당정치의 제도화가 이루어지기 위해서는 민주적인 정치과정에서의 정당이 수행하는 역할에 대한 유권자들의 긍정적인 평가가 축적되어 나가는 것이 중요하다. 본 논문에서는 그 동안 선거과정 이외의 정치과정에서 정당의 역할 수행이 매우 부실하여지면서 정당정치에 대한 유권자들의 불신이 심화되어 온 것이 정당정치의 제도화를 지체시켜 온 주요 요인으로 보고 선거과정 이외의 정치과정에서 정당이 역할을 수행하게 되는 주 무대인 국회 내 정당과 의원들의 자율성 확보와 정책 역량 강화를 목표로 하는 원내정당화와 절충과 타협이 일상화되는 협력적 정치를 정착시키는 일이 중요함을 논의하고 있다.

공직자의 선출에 있어서 누가 선출되느냐뿐만 아니라 어떻게 선출되느냐도 중요하다. 선출방법이 다르면， 유권자， 정당， 후보， 그리고 언론 등 정치적 행위자들의 전략이나 선호, 그리고 그들간의 상호작용도 영향을 받아 당선자도 달라진다. 무엇보다 오늘날 대의민주주의국가에서 공직자선출은 정당에 의한 후보선출과 유권자에 의한 당선자의 결정이란 두 단계로 이루어지고 있기 때문에 종래 거의 연구되지 않았던 첫번째 단계인 정당에 의한 후보선출을 분석하는 것이 대단히 중요하다 . 이 논문에서는 17 대 대선을 사례로 대선후보선출과정을 살펴보고 그것이 정당정치에 미치는 영향을 검토한다. 국민경선의 도입과 같이 후보선출과정이 민주화되는 것은 참여의 확대나 대표성의 제고란 점에서는 긍정적으로 평가할 수 있는 측면이 많다， 더 나아가， 각 정당에게 경쟁력이 있는 후보의 선출에 연결된다면 더 좋을 것임에 틀림없다 . 그러나， 이러한 보이는 목표와 동시에 정당정치에 있어서 보이지 않는 결과도 수반한다는 것이 이미 드러난 바 있다. 16대 대선에서 당초 거의 주목 못 받았던 후보가 당의 후보로 선출됐을 뿐만 아니라 결국 대통령에 당선했지만， 그 후에 대통령과 여당간의 관계가 흔들려서 결국 분당과 탄핵에까지 이르렀다. 공직자 선출방법에 따라 후보와 의원， 당원， 그리고 유권자간의 당내 권력구조가 변화하게 되어 유권자 속의 정당 이 중요해지면 중요해질수록 조직으로서의 정당이 와해되기 마련이다. 우리는 벌써 누가 17대 대통령으로 당선했는지를 알고 있다. 이명박 대통령이 한나라당 국민경선에서 이른바 당심에서 졌음에도 불구하고 민심에서 앞섰기 때문에 후보로 선출됐다는 사실이 앞으로 누가 선출되느냐를 넘어 그 누군가가 무엇을 할 것인가마저 좌우할 것인지를 지켜봐야 할 것이다.&#13;\n&#13;\nIn contemporary representative democracy, people vote freely and equally but only for the nominated candidates of each party. Candidate selection by parties is important in limiting voter' s choice in the first place and influencing who finally gets elected. Moreover, it has implications for party politics because it changes party structure among the candidates, MPs, rank-and-files, and the electorate. Korea is one of the best cases in addressing the puzzle mentioned above in the three following aspects: (1) there are variations of candidate selection methods among different parties over time; (2) it is one of the presidential democracies in Asia that is best for cross-national comparison; and (3) democratization of candidate selection helps aggravate the dysfunction of party politics as was the case with President Roh Moo-hyun.

본 논문은 지난 2006년 지방선거부터 한국의 정치문화를 변화시키기 위하여 도입된 매니페스토(manifesto) 운동에 대한 연구이다. 특히 본 논문은 한국에서 매니페스토 운동 이 정치문화 발전과 관련하여 선거 시 전개된 운동과정에 대한 연구를 통하여 앞으로 정치문화 발전을 위하여 어떠한 과제가 해결되어야 하느냐에 주요 관심을 가지고 연구하였다. 선거 시 정책선거를 지향하기 위하여 전개하는 매니페스토 운동은 지방선거를 비롯하여 각종 선거 시 정당이나 후보자가 발표하는 공약이 추상적이지 않고 구체적이며 실현성이 있는 공약으로서 영국에서 1834년 시작되어 2003년 일본 선거에서, 그리고 한국에서는 2006년 5월31일 실시된 제4회전국동시지방선거에서 한국 선거사상 처음으로 적용, 전개된 운동이다. 영국이나 일본과는 달리 한국에서 전개되고 있는 매니페스토 운동은 그 동안 시민운동 차원에서 전개되었다. 또한 이는 종래 시민운동단체가 전개한 네거티브 캠페인(negative campaign )인 낙천·낙선운동과는 달리 좋은 정책, 바른 정책 제시를 통하여 정책경쟁을 통한 선거를 치루기 위한 포지티브 캠페인(positive campaign)으로서, 2006년 지방선거때부터 전개되어 2007년 12월 대통령 선거, 2008년 국회의원 선거에도 적용되어 유권자는 물론 후보자, 정당, 시민사회단체의 최대의 선거 화두가 되었다. 최근 선거에 처음으로 도입된 매니페스토 운동은 한국의 정치문화 발전에 있어 새로운 전기를 마련하고 있다. 그러나 매니페스토 운동이 한국의 정치문화를 변화시키기 위하여 첫째 선거법 개정을 통하여 선거 공보 이외에도 매니페스토를 작성, 배포할 수 있도록 해야 하며, 둘째 정책토론 기회의 확대와 참여의 의무화하여야 한다. 또한 유권자와 정치권의 정치의식 변화가 주요과제로 등장하고 있다.

Abstract This paper provides an analysis of the development of democracy in Korea since the transition from authoritarianism in 1987, and its implications for critical analyses of Third World democratisation. Accounts of ‘low intensity democracy’ or ‘polyarchy’ have noted Third World democratisation for its constrained and elite-centred nature, and as an outcome of US foreign policy, which has sought to demobilise restive popular movements and extend the reach of global capital. However, the Korean general elections of 2004 saw the historic entry of the explicitly socialist Korean Democratic Labour Party (kdlp) into the National Assembly. A re-examination of post-authoritarian politics in fact shows a process of continuous contestation that belies the claims made by the polyarchy literature. Formal democratisation has by its very nature allowed for a counter-movement to be mobilised. The paper also examines the relationship between the kdlp and the mass labour union movement and argues that, while democracy has provided opportunities for participation by previously marginalised social forces, concomitant neoliberal restructuring has limited the development of the mass movements from which such political projects draw their strength. Thus, inquiry into the implications of democratisation for a progressive challenge to neoliberal capitalism must also extend beyond ‘politics’ to mass movements in the socioeconomic sphere.

On December 29, 2003, the Korean National Assembly passed the Bioethics and Biosafety Act, which came into effect in 2005. While many organizations - governmental, scientific, civic, ethical, and religious - participated in the public discussions leading up to the enactment of the Bioethics and Biosafety Act, none of these organizations was satisfied with the result once it was enacted. Many criticisms were raised, including criticisms of the National Bioethics Committee, which was established to enable all interested parties to voice their concerns concerning the bioethics legislation, to promote mutual understanding among the various parties, and to ensure that the pending legislation would be ethically sound. However, for reasons presented in this article, the Committee did not, and could not, fulfill its proper role of mediating disagreements and promoting consensus; instead, it enabled each of the various organizations concerned with the Bioethics and Biosafety Act to claim their own interests. The function of a committee is very much determined by its composition. So to understand why the National Bioethics Committee failed to function properly, one must look to its composition or organization. This article examines how the National Bioethics Committee was organized, describes its agendas and operational problems during a two-and-a-half year period, and presents a proposal for resolving those problems.

Abstract Most scholarly research takes for granted that political legitimacy in contemporary China is precarious and that the current regime suffers from a legitimacy crisis only superficially covered by economic development and nationalism. Political reform—branded as zhengzhi tizhi gaige—is not considered viable and usually discredited as too limited and manipulated by the Communist Party as to deserve its name. Consequently, the impact of these reforms on the current regime's legitimacy is under-researched, arguably blinding us for a better understanding of its resilience. This article argues for taking seriously the possibility of zhengzhi tizhi gaige engendering critical degrees of political legitimacy for the current regime. It proposes a new research agenda of micro-political research which should thoroughly address the relationship between different reform measures and the public's responses to them. A conundrum about legitimacy is that most people sense what it is, but its most expected causes and results both correlate only loosely with it insofar as attitude surveys or elections can measure it. This understandably makes behavioural researchers nervous. Yet social science can use information from expressed normative intentions, as well as from conduct. Relying on the hope that a researcher can understand the consciousness of the people being studied is an unsure way to draw conclusions—but so is its alternative, relying only on direct observations of behaviour and testing them against hypotheses that neglect ideas not constructed by the researcher.1 1. Lynn T. White, 'Introduction—dimensions of legitimacy', in Lynn T. White, ed., Legitimacy: Ambiguities of Political Success or Failure in East and Southeast Asia (New Jersey et al.: World Scientific, 2005), p. 26.

Politics in South Korea were in turmoil in early 2007. The governing Uri party, which had not only done badly in the local elections of May 2006 but had also lost every single by-election since its landslide win in the 2004 general election, was on the verge of break-up. President Roh Moo-hyun, whose popularity had hit rock-bottom in 2006, announced that he would leave the party. This step was widely interpreted as an attempt to revive flagging support for the Uri party. With less than nine months to go until the presidential election of December 2007, it remained unclear whether the governing party would be able to field a viable candidate or, indeed, whether or in what form the party would continue to exist at all. This chapter highlights domestic political and economic developments in the twelve months up to the end of March 2007. Keywords: economy; politics; President Roh Moo-hyun; South Korea; Uri party

The South Korean Presidential Election Panel Study examined vote determinants of Korean voters and the causes and dynamics of changes in voter preferences. The survey for the 2007 Presidential Election Panel Studies in South Korea was conducted from April to December 2007 in six waves with a large-scale panel of 3,500 representing the nation's gender, age, region, and education proportions.The study analyzed factors that influence the formation and change of voter preferences through three broad theoretical frameworks: (1) The sociological model that explains voter preference as a reflection of major social fragmentation (education, gender, income, religion, region, etc.); (2) The psychological model of the Michigan School that explains voter preference formation and change as activation of party identification in United States or Western elections, and regional identification in Korea as a proxy; (3) The rational voter model that posits that individuals, after calculating their own interests, support candidates or parties that possess the policies and ideology to maximize those interests. Tracking core questions are questions that repeatedly track the change in vote determinants, the core project of the current study. The tracking core questions that will track public opinion change over the entire period of the panel surveys consist of questions about attitudes on candidate factors, political party factors, election campaigns, issues, and policies. Whenever possible, the questions use the wording of international surveys such as the ANES questionnaire to allow international comparisons, but when not appropriate to the reality of Korean elections, new question items are developed. The current study analyzed which of the three models is the most appropriate in explaining Korean elections and voter preference.

본 연구는 가족 구성원 내의 세대간 미디어의 이용행태가 정치적 태도에 미 치는 영향을 계량적으로 파악하는 것이다. 즉 부모세대의 미디어 이용행태 및 선호 미디어 등에 대한 태도 등이 정치적 태도와 관련이 있는지를 살펴보고, 부모세대의 미디어 이용행태가 자녀세대의 정치적 태도에 영향을 미치는 정도 와 내용을 파악한 것이다. 일반적으로 유권자의 지지후보에 대한 최종 의사결 정은 다양한 형태로 구분된다고 본다. 선거가 있기도 전에 사전에 지지후보를 결정하는 유권자가 있는 반면에, 투표장에 도착해서 최종 지지후보를 결정하 는 경우도 있다. 한편 많은 유권자의 의사결정 시기(vote decision-making)가 투표 직전에 지지 후보를 결정하는 경향이 있다. 본 연구는 이러한 유권자의 의사결정 행태를 적절히 반영하고, 동시에 설문시기 및 순서 요인에 따른 오 류 등을 최소화하기 위해 선거 일주일 전에 지지후보 선정에 영향을 미치는 인자(Attributes)에 대한 중요도(Importance)를 파악하였다. 그리고 난 뒤, 선거 일주일 후에 해당 인자에 대한 실행측면(Performance)를 파악하여 분석하였다. 이러한 분석방법은 실험분석(Experimental Design)에서 일부 적용되는 방법이 지만, 실제 선거의 투표행위에 적용하여, 부모 세대의 미디어 이용행태가 자녀 세대에 영향을 미치고 그 결과로서 자녀의 정치적 태도의 결정에 영향을 미친 다는 가설을 증명하였다. 또한 유권자는 미디어를 포함한 정보원에 대해 메시 지의 형태와 강도에 대해서 구분하고 있었으며, 특히 메시지의 유형과 특성을 구분하고 있다는 가설, 즉 정보원에 대해 유권자는 정보원 자체에 대한 태도 를 가지고 있을 것이라는 가설을 증명하였다.

이 논문은 한국 민주화운동의 사례를 통해 정치적 기회구조론(theory of political opportunity structure)을 정교화하려는 시도다. 이 논문은 정치적 기회와 이것에 영향을 미치는 거시적 수준의 구조를 구분하여 정치적 기회를 운동의 기회와 위기의 중단기적 변화를 분석할 수 있는 틀로 사용하고 있다. 동시에 정치적 기회를 구조적 기회와 인지적 기회로 세분화해서 행위자가 의미틀 짜기(framing)를 통해 정치적 기회의 변화에 개입하는 메커니즘을 밝히려고 시도한다. 이를 통해 정치적 기회의 생성과 발전ㆍ변화ㆍ소멸을 설명한다. 1987년 6월 민주호원동의 사례를 통해 한국에서 정치적 기회는 대통령 임기 종료라는 구조적 기회와 입헌주의 등 의미틀에 의해 규정되었다는 것을 확인할 수 있었다. 구조적 기회는 처음에는 잠재적 기회였을 뿐이었지만, 잠재적 기회는 운동 지도자들이 틀 짜기와 자원동원 같은 실천을 할 수 있는 공간과 기회를 제공함으로써 선도적 실천을 촉진했다. 그리고 이러한 선도적 실천이 인지적 기회를 변화시킴으로써 시민의 참여와 동원을 이끌어냈으며, 이것이 다시 정치적 기회를 극적으로 확대시키고 정치적 역관계와 구조를 변화시켜 민주화를 가져왔다. 결국 한국의 1987년 민주화운동을 가져온 정치적 기회는 어떤 강력한 권력도 헌법이 정한 임기가 지나면 헌법적 절차에 따라 선거를 치러야만 한다는 입헌주의가 기본 의미틀로 작동했던 결과라 할 수 있다. 같은 맥락에서 1987년 전두환 정권의 직선제 수용과 대통령 선거 이후 정치적 기회가 극적으로 소멸한 것도 이해할 수 있다.

In nations where the executive has budgetary control, how are spending decisions and allocations affected? Is intraparty conflict relevant? This article sets out to show that institutional rules and leadership roles affect budgetary outcomes. It makes the following argument: if intraparty conflict exists in a one-party dominant or majority-party system, the executive reduces spending to punish the party in the legislature; if no intraparty conflict exists, then the executive increases spending to reward or cultivate loyalty to himself as the party leader. If intraparty conflict exists in a minority government or majority-coalition within a competitive multiparty system, the executive increases spending to reward or cultivate loyalty to himself as the party or coalition leader. Evidence from South Korea and Taiwan between the 1970s and 2000 supports the theory. This study advances scholarship in three ways. First, it shows that institutional rules that provide the executive with agenda control also lead to the strategic use of the budgetary process and outcomes to generate loyalty to the executive as leader. Second, it reveals that this strategy affects spending outcomes in election years; this is an important caveat to electoral spending manipulations. Third, the strategic use of the budget to control intraparty conflict occurred prior to and following democratization; this reveals that institutional changes need to include modifications in rules for policy transformations.

North Korea has pursued a nuclear weapons capability for about two decades. Many diplomatic efforts have been made to convince or cajole the Northern regime to give up this quest – and all have so far failed. Since 2003, a new multilateral approach – the Six‐Party Talks involving the Koreas, China, Japan, Russia, and the United States – has raised hopes anew. These hopes are based largely on China playing an active role. China has the potential both to guarantee North Korea's security, and to impose and enforce a denuclearization agreement. We analyze China's changing grand strategy and its implications for China's Korea goals and policies. To Deng Xiaoping's emphasis on China's national interests, China's third‐ and fourth‐generation leaders have added a greater reliance on foreign and military policies to maintain domestic political support and legitimacy. This discussion indicates that China is currently more concerned to preserve the North Korean regime and prevent a second Korean War than to eliminate the North's nuclear capability. Therefore, the Six‐Party Talks are unlikely to succeed.

Abstract For the general elections in 2000 and 2004, civic groups in South Korea joined forces to stage the so-called ‘blacklisting campaign’ or ‘defeat campaign’ against allegedly corrupt, incompetent or anti-reform politicians. The campaigns not only played a significant role in thwarting many politicians from getting nominated or elected but also heralded a new era in Korean politics: civic groups have now emerged as a major political force, capable not only of challenging party policies and pending legislation but also taking on an agenda-setting prominence in a wide array of policy areas. In analyzing the success of NGO political activities in the 2000 and 2004 general elections, this paper draws on resource mobilization theory to show how the civic groups effectively utilized various resources, including leadership skills, communications and office facilities, and access to the mass media, to achieve their objective rather than relying simply on the spontaneous participation of voters. In comparing the efforts of civic groups in the two elections, the paper also explains the factors that made their endeavors relatively less successful in 2004 (e.g. a splintering of alliances among the civic groups). On the whole, the paper argues that the greater political involvement by civic groups is likely to lead to a more pluralistic, open and competitive form of democracy, and that the vibrant civic activism in Korea is an indication not only of maturing democracy but also a more secure entrenchment of civil society.

Korea newly adopted a standard mixed electoral system in March 2004, just a month before the 2004 parliamentary election. Using both district and individual level data from the election, this study addresses the issue of institutional interaction or contamination in a mixed electoral system with focus on a third-place party, the Democratic Labor Party. It finds that there is no meaningful effect of institutional interaction between the SMD and PR sections of a mixed electoral system. Even if SMD and PR are put together into a single mixed electoral system, each of the two is found to retain its independent effect on a party system without much confluence. Thus, in the SMD component, we still observe a significant rate of strategic voting and, consequently, a minor political party is penalized in terms of vote share. Meanwhile, the contaminating effect of SMD on PR is only a conditional effect, which is true only if voters hold favorable preferences toward a minor political party in the first place. Otherwise, the putative effect of SMD on PR does not materialize.

도날드 맥도날드(Donald Macdonald)는 1977년 Korea and The Ballot: The International Dimension in Korea Political Development a seen in Elections으로 George Washington 대학에서 정치학 박사학위를 받았다. 맥도날드의 한국의 선거와 대의제에 관한 박사학위 논문 연구의 목적은 2차 대전 이후 첫 15년 동안의 한국의 선거 과정을 통해 외부 환경이 어떻게 남한의 정치 시스템에 영향을 주었는가를 보여주는 것이다. 즉 한국 선거와 대의제를 고찰하여 미국의 대한정책의 현재와 미래상을 전망하기 위함이었다. 그러므로 연구는 다분히 미국의 대한정책에 중점이 두어져 있다. 연구 대상 시기는 1945-1960년이다. 논문은 크게 Part 3으로 구성되어 있다. Part One은 연구에 대한 일반적인 framework로 과거 한국에 대한 외부의 영향력을 강조하고, 한국 정치시스템에서 선거의 역할에 대한 일반적 용어들을 검토하면서 한국 정치의 역사, 문화적 배경을 검토하였다. 그리고 그런 영향력에 대한 impact를 평가하기 위해 개념 안을 제시하고 있다. Part Two 1945-1960년까지 실시된 7번의 선거의 내용과 그 결과를 다루었다. Part Three는 논문을 전체적으로 요약, 정리하였다. 그리고 부록들에는 인터뷰 방법, 인터뷰 대화법, 인터뷰 설문 문항 등이 포함되어 있다.

Unlike the study of other authoritarian regimes, first the Soviet Union and more recently China, which have given rise to a cottage industry of analysis on all aspects of things military, the same cannot be said of the Korean People's Army (KPA), the armed forces of the Democratic People s Republic of Korea (DPRK). In the small world of Pyongyang watchers, articles and books devoted to the KPA are few and in most cases deal with the armed forces themselves (order of battle) rather than the high command that oversees the machinery. This monograph examines the role of the KPA within the power structure of North Korea. The author describes the landscape of military and security institutions that ensure the regime s security and the perpetuation of the Kim dynasty. He also highlights the influential power brokers, both civilian and military, and describes how they fit into the leadership structure. Finally, he considers the role of the KPA in regime politics, especially as it relates to the upcoming succession and economic reform. An understanding of the North Korean leadership does not mean only recognizing the personalities who occupy the top political positions within the regime. In his landmark book, Shield of the Great Leader, Joseph Bermudez noted that over its 50-year history, the DPRK has developed into one of the most militarized countries in the world, with the KPA existing alongside the Korean Worker s Party (KWP) as the two cornerstones of the regime. During this time, the role of the high command and its ties to the leadership and decisionmaking have changed.

This is a study of election system change in South Korea under authoritarian governments. The purpose of this study is to explain why authoritarian governments found it necessary to frequently alter the rules under which candidates for the National Assembly stood for election. To explain this process, several factors will be focused on. First, this study will identify the types of election system changes that authoritarian governments enacted. Second, it will examine the electoral consequences of each election system change, identifying the extent to which institutional changes affected election outcomes in National Assembly elections. Finally, this study will identify those contextual factors that help explain why Korea¡¯s authoritarian governments pursued the electoral system changes they did. The result of these efforts will be a more complete understanding of the political goals authoritarian governments in Korea sought to accomplish altering electoral systems and an assessment of how successfully government goals were attained.&#13;\n\tTo understand the complexity of the sources of election system change in Korea, this study employs a complementary approach which combines the rational decision model with the constraints and opportunities associated with different electoral institutions. Both rational action and institutional structure are essential complements for an analysis of election system change in Korea. This approach is to better explain why certain types of election system change were made at some times and why different changes were made at other times. &#13;\n\tKorea¡¯s election system was changed many times and in many ways under authoritarian governments. This study has only focused on six cases. Three of them are major changes and the remaining three cases were minor changes. Major changes are associated with the change in the electoral formula, while minor changes are associated with the change in district boundaries and magnitudes by increasing or decreasing seats. Six election system changes are analyzed in terms of four components of a conceptual framework, including contextual factors that influenced government strategies, the types of strategies that the government employed to alter electoral rules, the electoral rule that the government implemented, and election outcomes produced by election system change.&#13;\n\tThe findings are as follows: first, there was no single strategy employed by authoritarian governments to maintain their statuses as ruling parties. Not only a seat-maximization strategy, but also a status-maintenance strategy were important sources of election system change in Korea. Second, authoritarian governments in Korea wanted to increase their legitimacy by being able to survive democratic elections and to rule with a cooperative National Assembly which required that they sometimes give into demands made by the opposition. Third, election system changes were initiated when government parties were uncertain about their ability to win an upcoming election. Moreover, when governments implemented election system changes, they considered what impact rule changes would have on the electoral strength and fragmentation of the oppositions.

Abstract The development of the Labor Party in South Korea will depend on whether politics evolves toward democratic deepening or neo-populism. It appears that the rise of the Labor Party in Korea was a political event that resulted from a prevailing current of democratic deepening. It was also a political event born of collective action on the part of civil society organizations and labor in the course of electoral reform. However, if the political regime does evolve in favor of neo-populism, the political conditions that would enable the Labor Party's sustainable development will be radically eroded. The prospects for the Labor Party in Korea might be regarded skeptically in political as well as economic respects.

In this article, I offer a theoretical model specifying the electoral mechanism in South Korea. In the model, political parties offer regional benefits to sway the ideological voting decisions of voters. Regional benefits are an effective way of winning regional votes as the parties’ ideological positions become less distinguishable. Analysis of the model shows that political parties receive stronger regional support (1) as the ideological positions of voters and their regional party become more congruent and (2) when voters have a powerful regional leader. I test these predictions using two statistical models - one based on survey data the other on aggregate election outcome data. The results indicate that previous interpretations of regional voting in terms of either ideological conflicts or regional nepotism overestimate the effects of these factors.

한국 내 주한미군부대에 대한 논쟁은 한미동맹의 큰 틀 속에서 이루어져 왔다. 그러나 타국 영토 내 미군부대 존재가 가지는 정치적 의미와 미군의 주둔이 sender와 host 간의 위계적 질서를 반영한다는 점이 중요하기 때문에 미군 부대 정치화 문제를 자체적으로 연구할 필요가 있다. 역사적, 비교적 관점에서 보았을 때 현재 한국 내에서의 미군부대 정치화 문제는 1960, 1970년대에 민주주의로 이행 과정에 있었던 국가들 내에서 공통적으로 나타난다. 이는 미국의 일방주의적 외교정책노선과 같은 국제적 요인뿐 아니라 민주주의로의 이행이라는 국내적 요인이 한국 내 미군부대 정치화에 중요하게 작용한다는 것을 의미한다. 민주주의로의 이행단계에 있는 국가 내부에서 정치인과 비정부단체, 그리고 미디어는 미군부대 문제를 정치적 사안으로 발전시켜 자신들의 입지를 더욱 공고히해 왔다. 정치인들은 미국의 과거 비민주정권 지지 내용을 선거 운동과정에서 부각시키고 시민단체나 비정부기구는 자신들의 민주정치 내에서 자신들의 정치적 기반을 마련하며, 미디어는 미군부대 문제를 주요 정치 이슈로 부각시켜 국내 논쟁을 유도한다. 한국의 경우, 특히 시민단체와 그들의 네트워킹을 촉진하는 새로운 정보기술 활용 능력이 다른 국가와 구별되기 때문에 단기적으로는 이들의 정치적 중요성을 과소평가해서는 안 된다. 그러나 한국 내 용산미군기지 이전문제나 한-미 주둔군 지위 협정(SOFA) 개정 문제, 해외주둔 미군 재배치 문제 내의 정치적 논쟁을 살펴보았을 때, 각각의 경우에서 고조되었던 민족주의, 미군에 대한 비판과 미군의 전략에 대한 불신은 자국 내 미군부대를 주둔시켰던 다른 국가들과 다르지 않다. 따라서 주한미군부대의 정치화 문제는 한국 내 민주주의가 더욱 공고화되는 과정에서 그 심각성이 해소될 것으로 보인다.

North Korea started serious economic reforms in July 2002. The regime's credo is the coexistence of a state-directed economy and a market economy. The weight of the latter will be increased gradually, depending on success and political stability. The paper explores the costs and benefits of the reforms and suggests their support. In the short run, the price reforms resulted in purchasing power gains for everybody, although these gains are now offset by inflation. The reforms have been well prepared ideologically to secure a controlled process. The pragmatic replacement of socialism by nationalism as the core ideology as well as the transformation of the military into the new aristocracy at the expense of the party created new political options for the North Korean government.

A sparse literature examines African legislatures, generally thought to be weak and unimportant. Unlike many African countries that reintroduced multiparty politics in the 1990s, Senegal did so in the 1970s. In 2000, it joined the select group of African countries to experience democratic alternance. What role does the National Assembly play in light of these important steps in democratic consolidation? This article describes the operation of the National Assembly, with attention to its role in legislation, appropriations, executive oversight, constituent service and representation. The article concludes that despite Senegal's democratic advances, the operation of the National Assembly echoes much earlier studies of other African legislatures. These studies found that the legislatures did not play strong roles in legislation, appropriations or executive oversight, but instead played less formal roles such as constituent service and lobbying the administration for spending in their districts.

North Korea marked the beginning of 2004 with a flurry of diplomatic offensives, which led to its participation in two six-party talks, two summit meetings with China and Japan, and its first-ever military talks with South Korea. However, this brisk diplomacy went into a holding pattern in the second half of the year with no substantial progress in the nuclear talks. The stalemate was reinforced by passage of the U.S. North Korean Human Rights Act, South Korea's nuclear experiments, and hostile rhetoric toward North Korea voiced in the U.S. presidential election campaigns.

The welfare state in Korea has undergone a significant transformation since the Asian Economic Crisis in 1997-8. Before the social policy reform after 1997, the characteristics of the Korean welfare state could be well described as a 'developmental welfare state in a selective form'. Social policy was used as an instrument of economic policy (productivist), the welfare programmes were structured in such a way that risk-pooling was narrow within particular social categories (selective) and the major social policy initiatives were motivated by political justification of an authoritarian regime (authoritarian). The recent social policy reforms were carried out in order to change the welfare state in the latter two dimensions, while maintaining a productivist orientation. As we shall discuss, the separate health funds under National Health Insurance (NHI) were integrated into one administrative authority which operates two national funds. The integration will make the NHI universal in terms of insuring all citizens with different income levels and risk probabilities with two national risk-pools (universal). Employment Insurance was also extended to workplaces with one or more regular employees,1 and the National Pension Programme to the self-employed. The Minimum Living Standard Guarantee (MLSG) introduced in 2000 is set to give benefits as a social right to those with income below the poverty line without a prior family and demographic test.2 These reform initiatives were undertaken by the government that came to power by winning a democratic election as an opposition party, with a broad-based social consensus in the wake of the economic crisis of 1997-8 (democratic) (Kuhnle 2001).

This paper examines the dynamic role of the state, civil society groups and international conventions in expanding the rights of foreigners in South Korea. While recent scholarship on international migration reflects a growing gap between post-national and state-centered theories, the South Korean case illustrates the dynamic interplay of actors involved in major policy developments concerning interethnic marriages, citizenship, and the temporary foreign worker program. Although the challenges of adopting additional UN and ILO Conventions remain, the passage of the Nationality Act and the Employment Permit System reflects a steady expansion of political and labor rights for foreigners. The increasing number of foreigners marrying Koreans and the strong prospect of long-term dependence on foreign workers accentuate even more the significance of these changes. This paper shows that the expansion of foreigner rights depends on the liberal position of the state, the organizational strength of NGOs, and the system of checks-and-balances structurally embedded in the way the state parties and NGOs cooperate in implementing international instruments.

Empirical studies of electoral competition and public policy in new democracies have been relatively underdeveloped. This article investigates the election-policy outcome link in a ‘hard case’ setting: South Korea in 1988–97. Contrary to expectations derived from the bureaucratic insulation or fiscal co-ordination argument, this study suggests a systematic impact of electoral competition on levels and distributive patterns of public spending. The analysis finds that levels of government expenditure increased according to the electoral calendar. Also, national subsidies tended to be allocated to ‘swing’ provinces in which electoral contests are competitive. The results of the analysis clearly show that fiscal policies in democratizing Korea are to a significant extent determined by electoral politics.

Traditional cultural values have long been seen by scholars as a significant obstacle to political and economic development in the post colonial world, especially in Africa and Asia. Publics which prioritise things like the collective good of the family and community over procedure and individual rights, grant uncritical respect to authority and social hierarchy, and identify themselves primarily as members of sub-national kinship groups rather than modern nationstates, are said to be particularly inhospitable places for representative democracies and market economies to take root.

With the 'third wave of democratization', South Korea joined the democracy club in the late 1980s. Although electoral performance and the party system have changed since the transition to democracy, there has been little systematic examination of the changes. In this article, we conduct an empirical test after developing a theoretical argument about why democratization leads to change. Before democratization, the manipulation of electoral laws and the urban–rural cleavage dominated Korean elections. After democratization, the electoral rules stabilized and opposition parties were given a fair chance to win the election. However, the average life of political parties shortened because of regionalism and personalism. There is now reason to believe that personalism may be set to diminish, thus encouraging authentic structural cleavages to emerge and shape Korean party politics in the coming years.

Abstract The unprecedented series of six-party talks now under way in an effort to resolve the standoff over North Korea's nuclear and broader WMD-related activities herald a new and indelibly regional dynamic that portends a brighter future for Northeast Asia. Even if the current process does not achieve all its objectives, the multilateral legacy that the six-party interactions would nonetheless leave behind should not be squandered away or left unattended. In this context, there is a need to coordinate regional efforts not only on the deal-making process (or the front end) regarding North Korea's WMD programs (i.e., developing the political and economic motivations for an initial agreement), but also on back-end issues relating to how the logistical and technical process of dismantling the DPRK's nuclear weapons program and facilitating the country's engagement with the international community could actually unfold. While the six-party talks began as a diplomatic process, the opportunity exists for this mechanism to evolve from a purely diplomatic function into a more institutionalized body with certain logistical and technical capabilities that can provide legitimacy for, and augment, the contributions of the IAEA, international financial institutions, and other UN agencies. This can only happen, however, if Korean political and socio-cultural sensitivities are acknowledged and addressed and if the six-party process can make up for the divergent threat perceptions and the lack of trust and confidence that exists among the central actors.

This article is a case study of South Korean democratic consolidation in the 'three Kims' era that ended in 2002. The article evaluates the achievements and failures with regard to democratic consolidation. In a negative sense the 'three Kims' made great progress toward consolidation, such as reinstituting a firm civilian control over the military, institutionalizing electoral competitions and a peaceful transfer of government. However, with regard to the more positive terms of democratic consolidation, the record is a dismal failure. The 'three Kims' handed over some unfavourable legacies, including divisive regionalism, an underdeveloped party system, an imperial but weak and ineffective presidency and political corruption. Korean democracy at the end of the 'three Kims' era was at best faltering on the verge of consolidation. Thus although Korea has been classified as a liberal democracy, by Freedom House, it retained many of the elements of 'defective democracy'

Many have regarded the establishment of civilian and democratic control over the military as a necessary condition for the consolidation of a nascent democracy. Experience from third-wave democracies such as Chile and the Philippines shows us that, in order for democratic consolidation to be achieved, democratic control of the armed forces must be firmly established. Often these nascent democracies face the problem of how to deal with the legacy of the military and security service’s role in authoritarian rule. This article analyses the establishment of civilian control in South Korea and argues that, although semicivilian control was established during the only post-transition presidency, it was with the inauguration of Kim Young-sam in 1993 that firm civilian control was achieved. However, the way this control was achieved raises important questions about the rule of law in South Korea. Finally, the article asserts that due to the continuing dominance of national security and defense policy by the executive, the comprehensive oversight by the legislature needed for true democratic control has yet to be fully achieved.

This article examines how postindustrial pressures and political changes have shaped recent social policy reforms in Japan and South Korea. Postindustrial pressures are categorized into exogenous and endogenous factors: exogenous being economic globalization and internationalization, endogenous being changing family and gender relations and demographic shifts such as population aging and declining birthrates. I argue that we need to attend more closely to the interactions between postindustrial and political factors to explain social and welfare policies in these countries. The conventional view on East Asian welfare states no longer adequately explains recent social welfare policy changes in the region.

Abstract In 2003, South Koreans focused attention on the political problems of newly elected President Roh. As elections set for early 2004 approached, the president, once above suspicion, faced the specter of financial scandal implicating at least his top aides. His party split, his labor policies generated unrest, and his political future became increasingly unclear.

One of the most persistent areas of discussion regarding South Korea's party and election systems is the continued elevation of regional personalities over political institutions. We seek to pour new wine into old bottles, however, by challenging a seldom‐considered assumption in Korean studies; that regionalism has exerted constant pressures across regime, province, and personality. There is a void in studying how transition to democracy has affected the dominance of personality‐based regionalism in Korean politics. We investigate democratization's impact on this phenomenon by examining the provincial distribution of legislative and presidential voting from 1971–2002. We employ a new indicator for personality‐based disproportionality, apply it to election outcomes at the provincial level, and find that the electoral impact of regionalism has changed over time across regimes, provinces, and political personalities. We find that regional voting disproportionality 1) increased immediately after transition; 2) has varied depending on personality and type of election; 3) is indeed low in provinces traditionally labeled as neutral; and 4) increased in the 2000 legislative election while declining in the 2002 presidential election.

Although Korea has made significant strides to strengthen its democratic system since the successful transition in the late 1980s as part of the “third wave” of global democratization, a look into the process of making budgetary policy in the National Assembly would suggest that Korean democracy is far from consolidation. Korean politics has shed itself for the most part of its authoritarian past, when the military was the main conduit of action and oppression. The principle of free, regular, and fair competition has taken root as the procedural norm in both national and local elections. Korean citizens enjoy civil liberties to a degree unprecedented in the authoritarian era, and civil society transformed into an increasingly open, transparent, and pluralistic field of political action.

The article first analyses the critical events leading up to democratic transition in South Korea and then examines the choices made regarding the new democratic rules during autumn 1987. Earlier studies have focused mainly on the new rules themselves, but few have analyzed the actual crafting process. This study remedies that oversight as it investigates not only what lay behind the choices made regarding institutional crafting, but also how the new rules shaped the founding elections of the new democracy. The article argues that some of the difficulties that South Korea has experienced in consolidating its democracy may in fact be due to flaws in the institutional crafting process during democratic transition. As such the South Korean case shows that the type of democratic transition may place certain restrictions on the comprehensive approach needed for an institutional crafting process that must go beyond the immediate electoral considerations of individual political leaders. It shows that close co-operation among oppositional forces is essential when during democratic transition institutional crafting takes place. The article reaches the conclusion that if these issues had been addressed in 1987, the alternation in power that occurred in late 1997 would probably have happened sooner.

Contents: Preface Part I: The Pattern of Research into Government 1. Korea and the Korean Government Part II: The Korean Political Culture and Bureaucracy 2. The Political Culture of Korea 3. Bureaucracy of the Chosun Dynasty 4. Bureaucracy under the Colonial Rule 5. The Post-Liberation Bureaucracy Part III: Transition of the Korean Government 6. Shift of Political Power 7. Change of the Government Structure 8. The Rulers 9. The Ruling Elites 10. Crucial Elections and the Cycle of Party Politics Part IV: The Dynamics of Intra-Political System 11. The Dynamics within the Administrative System 12. Dynamic Relationships between the Executive Administration and Politics: Intervention and Neutrality 13. Dynamic Relations between the Executive and Legislative Branch 14. Dynamic Relation between Politics and Economy Index

This article explores the impact of the Asian economic crisis on the Malay-Chinese and Kyongsang-Cholla regional political cleavage structures in Malaysia and Korea respectively. The weakening of previously intractable cleavages and the rise of cross-cutting cleavages have the potential to contribute to democratic consolidation, by enhancing democratic uncertainty or 'organised uncertainty'. The analysis of post-crisis election results shows that Malaysia's traditional ethnic linkages between political elites and voters became more flexible after the crisis and created a strong cross-cutting dimension to the political cleavage structure. In contrast South Korea's regional cleavages remained fundamentally undisturbed and may even have been reinforced by the crisis, notwithstanding evidence of defections from regionally dominant parties.

On July 16, 1997, the Constitutional Court of Korea ruled article 809 of the Civil Code unconstitutional. The article contained the centuries old prohibition of marriages between men and women who have the same surnames and “ancestral seats” (dongsung-dongbon Conservatives and “fundamentalists” were immediately in an uproar. Progressives and liberals rejoiced in the decision. For defenders of Confucian tradition, the marriage prohibition is the backbone of their conception of a well-ordered society. They claim that the court's decision violated the cardinal human principles, that it threatened to destroy the moral and ethical foundation of society. For its detractors, the marriage prohibition was an outdated, anachronistic practice that enforced patriarchalism and male-domination in society, while causing unnecessary pain and suffering for those who dared to flout it. The National Assembly, which has to amend the Civil Code in accordance with the court's decision, has yet to act, suspecting and fearing that public opinion is still deeply divided over the issue. Why did this decision over a seemingly obscure marriage law cause such a furor? What exactly was the prohibition all about?

The Republic of Korea (hereafter "Korea") has been widely regarded as one of the most vigorous and analytically interesting third-wave democracies. During the first decade of democratic rule, Korea has successfully carried out a large number of electoral and other reforms to transform the institutions and procedures of military–authoritarian rule into those of a representative democracy. Unlike many of its counterparts in Latin America and elsewhere, Korea has fully restored civilian rule by extricating the military from power. As in established democracies of North America and Western Europe, free and competitive elections have been held regularly at all the different levels of the government. In the most recent presidential election, held on December 18, 1997, Korea also established itself as a mature electoral democracy by elevating an opposition party to political power. In Korea today, there is general agreement that electoral politics has become the only possible political game in town.

This paper examined the social and political background of the rise of new political leadership in the Presidential election of December 2002, analyzing voting outcome that reflected styles of life, thinking, and behavior of young generation. This paper contends that generational effect on voting was very significant as to break the rigidity of political support market consolidated by cleavage structure such as regional division in South Korea. Behind the marginal victory of President Roh Moo Hyun by a 2.2% over the competitor there existed a strong support of young generation that had developed far different cultural sentiments and ideological orientation from old generation. The young generation projected its generational mission on Mr. Roh to reject three main legacies, i.e., state centrism, authoritarianism, and growth-first ideology. This paper analyzes characteristics of his power brokers in the Transition Commission and political supporters, arguing that the progressive attitude such as pro-union, pro-distribution, and anti-elite approaches will receive severe attack from the conservative group, i.e., business and the upper class. Whether his regime successfully realizes the expectation of young generation entirely relies upon the toleration of the conservative group of the substitution of old social order and value system with new ones. It needs time to wait and see how his regime will successfully manage contested terrains where new ones are emerging and conflicting with old ones.

Korea's presidential election of December 19, 2002, has baffled many observers. Sociologically, it must be understood in the context of major transformations in the wider society. This paper examines the claims made by some observers that attribute the election results to the revolt of the younger generation, and to the ideological split that surfaced in Korean society. By examining data on voting behavior, it is ascertained that age may have influenced the election results, however, regional divisions still made the most difference. The information revolution also had a significant influence on the process. Implications of these findings are discussed against the backdrop of broader societal changes, with some thoughts on the prospect of the new regime.

This report outlines the shifts in the South Korean polity since the election of 2002 which exposed the generational divide in South Korea with younger people more apt to criticize the United States, particularly on matters pertaining to North Korea and US military presence on the Korean Peninsula. The report also discusses these developments, particularly the rise in anti-Americanism and how it impacts American policy towards North Korea.

Since the June 29 declaration in 1987, South Korea has passed some major milestones in its march toward becoming a liberal democracy. Today, South Koreans enjoy a level of political freedom that is without precedent in their country's history. Their young democracy has endured the Asian financial crisis of 1997 and has met an important test of successfully transferring power from a ruling party to a genuine opposition party. Nonetheless, the extent to which South Korea has consolidated its democracy is open to question. South Korea has successfully institutionalized and legitimized a democratic, constitutional electoral process, but it is still struggling to establish a responsive, accountable political order and an inclusive economic system.

December 2002 shook up South Korea's conservative establishment and its U.S. ally. Five days before the South Korean presidential election, with a quarter of the electorate still remaining undecided, leaders of nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) and religious activists staged a massive candlelight vigil in front of Seoul's city hall to protest against “unequal” provisions in South Korea's Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA) with its U.S. ally. The political rally drew some 40,000 protestors from all walks of life. Moreover, it was only one among many climaxes in a long mobilization drive launched by NGOs and “netizens” since June, when a U.S. armored vehicle driven by Sergeant Fernando Nino and Mark Walker ran over two teenage girls during a military exercise in Hyochonli. That month saw some thirty NGOs establish a national umbrella organization to demand the trial of Nino and Walker under South Korean law. Then, in December, the Catholic, Buddhist, and Protestant religious orders joined in to lend their authority to the protestors by collectively calling for the revision of SOFA to give South Korea “primary jurisdiction” over criminal cases. The radical hanchongryon university students, too, showed up in protest sites to stir up and escalate anti-American sentiments, regularly raiding U.S. military bases in Uijongbu and Yongsan and even breaking into the U.S. Embassy compound in November. But unlike the past, this intrusion of radical hanchongryon activists did not drive away presumably conservative middle-class groups from political rallies. On the contrary, the call for a SOFA revision grew louder after the U.S. military court judged Nino and Walker not guilty of negligent homicide.

국가사회를 구성하고 있는 여러 개의 하부체계(Subsystem)들 중에서 정치 분야는 사회 발전의 측면에 있어 중추적인 신경 기능을 한다고 볼 수 있다. 정치권이 소모적인 정쟁을 벌이고 발전적 비전들을 제시하지 못한 다면 그 국가 사회의 미래는 희망이 담보되지 못한 불행한 사회유형이라 할 수 있다. 일반적으로 정치권력은 국가사회의 구성원인 국민들이 창출하는 것이며, 그 중심에는 ‘선거’라는 제도가 사회 적 합의로 존재한다. 흔히 우리는 선거를 ‘정당/후보자와 일반 유권자 국민간의 커뮤니케이션 행위’로 표현한다. 정당/후보자들은 자신들이 표방하는 프로그램과 자신들이 갖고 있는 인적 요소들을 통해서 유권자들을 설득하고자 노력하며, 이 과정에서 유권자들의 ‘정치화’ 현상이 나타난다. 이로 인해 유권자들의 잠재적 인식과 입장들이 표면화되 고, 유권자들의 각 후보에 대한 찬․반 의견은 자신들의 선호도에 따라서 선거 당일 투표행위를 통해 나타나게 된다. 선거커뮤니케이션에서는 ‘영향(influence)’과 ‘선택(selection)’ 과정이 상호 유기적인 관계를 형성한다. 각 정 당의 선거 메시지는 수용자들로부터 선별적으로 선택되고, 반응도 다양하게 나타난다. 따라서 선거에서 정당 활동의 승패는 커뮤니케이션 행위로부터만 영향을 받는 것이 아니라, 대중매체와 유권자들의 선택요인에 크 게 좌우된다고 볼 수 있다. 이는 선거커뮤니케이션의 기본 방향과 전략이 커뮤니케이션 시스템이 갖고 있는 요소들의 행동과 변화에 적극 대처해야 함을 뜻한다. 다시 말해, 이는 선거커뮤니케이션이 사회적 가치, 규범 및 행동방식의 변화에 능동적으로 대응해야 성공적일 수 있다는 것을 의미한다. 국내의 정치 환경은 지역, 계층, 세대간의 반목과 대립현상을 중심으로 혼란스러운 상황에 놓여 있으며, 일반 국민들의 정치에 대한 혐오와 불신 또한 극에 달한 상황이라고 볼 수 있다. 또한, 정치권에 대한 민심 이반 현 상은 심화되고, 유권자들의 냉소주의와 무관심은 심각한 상황에 놓여 있다. 정치권에 대한 국민의 염증 현상 은 유권자들의 투표참여율을 현저히 저하시키고 있는 현실이다. 이러한 부정적 측면의 근본 원인이라 할 수 있는 정치권의 비전 및 정책의 부재, 정치인들의 전문성 결여 문제는 전에 비해 개선되고 있기는 하지만 여전 히 해결이 시급한 과제로 남아 있다. 이러한 현상 속에서 지난 수십 년 동안 사회적, 정치적 화두로서 사회 담론의 한 축을 이뤄온 ‘이미지 정치’, ‘ 이미지 선거’에 대한 학문적 관심은 그 정도를 더해가고 있다. 국내외의 주요 선거 결과들을 보더라도, 정당/입후보자의 자질과 능력 못지않게 정당/입후보자의 외적 이미지 가 선거문화 전반에 큰 영향을 주고 있다는 점은 부인할 수 없는 현실이다. 따라서 각 정당/입후보자들은 자신 들의 이미지 관리를 위해 대 유권자 신뢰도 제고 및 이해도 증진에 심혈을 기울이고 있다. 이러한 관점에서 볼 때, 정당/입후보자의 이미지 요인은 현대 정치의 선거커뮤니케이션 문화 전반에 있어 중심적 메커니즘으로 기 능한다고 할 수 있다. 우리 국민들은 2004년 봄 제 17대 총선을 앞두고 있다. 이러한 중요한 정치 스케줄을 앞두고 선거 입후보자 이 미지 관리 방안을 중심으로 한 국회의원선거 PR커뮤니케이션 전략에 대한 연구는 의미 있는 일이라 판단된다 .

??본고의 목적은 한국 집권정부의 재정정책과 통화정책에 대한 선거의 영향력을 구명하는데 있다. 이를 통해, 첫째, 한국의 정치경제를 설명하는데 있어 통념과 같은 존재였던 관료중심이론을 비판한다. 둘째, 기존의 정치경제주기모델(political business cycle model)에서의 선거의 압력에 관한 기본 가정을 이완시켜 새로운 변수들, 자세히 말해 집권정부의 인기도, 선거법에 의한 선거과정의 왜곡정도, 정권유형, 그리고 선거일로의 근접정도라는 변수들을 찾아내고 이를 중심으로 새로운 가설을 도출ㆍ검증함으로써 정치경제주기모델을 발전시킨다. ??이 논문은 아리마(ARIMA)시계열회귀분석을 통해 이 가설들을 경험적으로 검증했다. 회귀분석 결과를 요약하자면, 한국의 집권정부는 선거 전 1분기 때의 자신들이 처한 정치적ㆍ경제적 상황에 따라 조작의 정도와 조작할 확률을 달리하면서 확대재정정책을 실시했다. 이 결과는 관료중심이론가의 주장과는 달리, 한국의 경제정책이 선거와 같은 정치적 변수에 의해 단기적인 영향을 받아왔다는 점을 증명해 주었다. 또한 민주화 이후 정부의 경우는 이전과는 달리, 선거가 다가올수록 점증적으로 재정을 확대해 나가는 경향을 보였다. 이 결과는 불규칙적으로 선거가 자주 실시되는 현 대통령선거와 국회의원 선거제도 하에서 집권정부의 재정정책이 단견적이게 될 수 있다는 점을 추론할 수 있게 해 줌으로써, 현 선거제도와 관련지어 중요한 논의를 던져준다. 다른 한편, 재정정책의 경우와는 달리, 통화정책에서 선거의 영향력은 발견할 수 없었다.

본 연구는 작년 말 새로운 대통령 선거를 앞두고 가장 최근에 있었던 양대 대선 당시 참여와 기권 문제를 다루어 봄으로써 2002년 대선을 새로운 시각으로 관망할 수 있는 기회를 가지고자 한다. 이 연구는 한국사회과학데이터센터가 수집한 1992년(14대) 및 1997년(15대) 한국 대통령선거 직후 실시한 전국 데이터를 이용하여 양 대통령선거 당시 유권자들의 투표 참여에 미친 주요 요인을 양변량로짓(binomial logit analysis) 분석 방법을 이용하여 분석하였다. 서구 특히 미국선거에서 매우 중요한 요인으로 간주되는 유권자의 교육 정도는 14대와 15대 대선 참여여부를 결정하는데 효과가 없었으며 80년대까지 한국대선 참여여부 분석에 필수적 요인인 농촌 거주민들의 소위 동원 효과도 거의 사라진 것으로 나타났다. 선거참여에 미치는 가장 핵심적인 요인은 유권자들이 선거 그 자체에 얼마나 관심을 가지고 있느냐하는 것으로 조사되었다. 이에 본 연구에서는 선거관심도를 통제한 상태에서 선거에 참여할 가능성의 높고 낮음에 따라 유권자를 고ㆍ평균ㆍ저 투표자 세 집단으로 구성하였다. 14대 대선에서는 이 세 집단들은 대체로 선거에 참여한 것으로 나타났다. 15대 대선에서는 고투표자와 평균투표자의 참여행태는 14대 대선과 비슷하였으나, 투표에 참여하지 않을 듯한 저투표자들은 선거관심도 변화에 가장 큰 영향을 받았다. 이들은 선거에 관심이 약하거나 보통일 때는 기권하였으며 관심수준이 상당한 경우에만 투표에 참여한 것으로 나타났다.

이 연구의 목적은 한국의 대외원조 정책에 대한 하나의 정책 문화지를 작성하는 것이다. 정책 문화지를 작성하기 위해 필자는 세 가지의 문제를 중심으로 대외원조 정책 담론을 분석하고자 한다. 첫째 문제는정책담론의 형성 주체는 누구인가이고, 둘째는 정책담론과 수행기관(agency)과의 관계는 어떠한가, 셋째는 정책담론은 어떻게 실천되고 재해석되는가의 문제이다. 이러한 문제를 분석하기 위해서 이 연구는 대외원조 정책담론이 형성되고 실현되는 과정을 외교부와 한국국제 협력단(KOlCA; Korea International Cooperation Agency)을 중심으로 고찰할 것이다. 특히, 국회, 정부, 시민사회를 대외원조 정책의 세 축으로 이해하고, 이들간의 상이한 정책담론이 어떻게 전개되는가를 분석하고자 한다. 또한, 필자는 우리나라의 대외원조 정책담론을 선진국 만들기와 발전경험의 세계화라는 두 가지의 국가적 전략과 관련하여 분석함으로써, 담론의 실천과 재해석 과정을 밝히고자 한다.\n\n필자는 이 연구에서 새로운 인류학적 현장으로서 대외원조 정책문서들과 담론의 분석 작업을 통해 대외원조의 조직과 수행체계, 정책결정과정 및 권력관계를 하나의 복합적인 문화현상으로 파악하고자 한다. 이를 위해서 먼저 우리나라 대외원조 정책의 전개과정과 역사를 정책담론과 수행조직체계의 변화와 관련하여 개괄하고, 대외원조 정책담론을 선진국 만들기와 발전경험의 세계화라는 두 측면에서 분석할 것이다. 마지막으로 대외원조에 관한 정책문화지가 기존의 원조정책에 대한 평가와 구체적인 정책대안의 제시라는 측면에서 어떤 함의를 지니고 있는가를 밝히고자 한다.\n\n\n\n\n\nUsing the policy papers of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade(MOFAT) and the Korea International Cooperation Agency(KOICA), this article analyses the discourses of Korean ODA(Official Development Assistance) policy. This paper aims to make a policy ethnography of Korean foreign aid based on extended experiences as an 'insider' in the Korea International Cooperation Agency. To make Korea as an advanced country and to globalize the national experiences of Korean economic development, Korean government utilized foreign aid strategically and formed a kind of Korean model of ODA policy. Korean ODA policy has been developed from the late 1980s focused on national interest, using ODA as a means of effective foreign policy, globalization, development and democratization. In this paper, Korean ODA policy discourses are evaluated as donorcentric because ODA is an effective means to make Korean people more advanced and a good strategy to globalize the particular national development experiences. ODA policy discourses have been changed from the government-driven national interest policy to the policy of globalization and partnership with civil society in the 1990s. This ethnography of ODA policy suggest several policy guidelines and implications. Policy coherency, incorporated and flexible ODA governance system, unilateral system of grant and loan aid, and civil awareness and participation programs are emphasized for the improvement of Korean foreign aid policy.

이 글은 대만과 한국의 민주주의 이행경로의 차이점과 그 원인들에 대해서 분석할 것이다. 무엇보다도 기존정치체제의 형태와 그것이 정치사회와 시민사회에 미치는 영향이 민주화 이행경로와 공고화를 결정짓는다는 것을 강조할 것이다.BR 첫째, 대만의 민주화 이행은 위로부터 아래로의, 점진적이고 완만한, 집권엘리트가 주도하고 일방적으로 부과된 민주화였다. 반면에 한국은 아래에서 위로의, 대중이 궐기하여 빠르게 진행된 다자간 타협을 통한 민주화였다. 둘째, 대만의 부과형 이행은 역사적으로 민주적 경험이 없는 준 레닌주의적 정치체제와 취약한 정치, 시민사회에 기인된 반면, 한국의 개혁형 이행은 민주적 경험이 있는 군사권위주의와 강력한 정치, 시민 사회 때문이다. 대만에서는 정치적 야당이 금지되었고 선거 또한 지방으로 제한되었다. 시민사회는 국민당의 조직적 침투로 약화되었고 중소기업위주의 산업화는 노동세력의 분산화를 초래했다. 반면 한국은 권위주의하에서도 야당이 존재하였고 전국적 선거가 주기적으로 실시되었고 그것이 시민사회의 활성화를 가져왔다. 또한 대기업위주의 산업화는 강력한 노동세력을 성장시켰다. 마지막으로, 경로 의존적 접근법에 의거하여 한국보다 대만에서 민주주의 공고화 과정이 더 복잡하게 전개될 것이다.

South Korea's April 2000 congressional elections saw large numbers of incumbent candidates defeated. The South Korean mass media attributed considerable importance to the activities of a public interest umbrella organization, the Citizens' Alliance (CA) for the 2000 General Elections. CA `blackballed' 86 candidates of all parties as corrupt, unqualified or otherwise unsuited for office, and 59 of these candidates lost. After controlling for a variety of other factors - characteristics of districts, candidates and parties, and campaign spending - we find that CA did indeed exert a remarkably strong influence on electoral outcomes. Being blackballed was most damaging to independent candidates. Blackballing had the greatest impact on the probability of winning in districts with weaker party loyalties, and, somewhat ironically, for candidates of the ruling Millennium Democratic Party - the party most closely identified with the issue of clean government.

This paper intends to provide a thorough empirical analysis of the character of the electoral system for the Korean National Assembly. Especially, it is going to illuminate both the form and consequence of the electoral system from a comparative perspective. The study will explicate not only the extent to which the system ensures significant political forces fair representation, but it will also discuss the ways in which the system has affected the existing pattern of Korean representational politics since the country's transition from authoritarianism. In this paper, the author will go further to put forward a proposal for electoral reform which can contribute to enhancing Korean democracy. This section is devoted to describing the rules for electing the Korean National Assembly. In order to set the context for the analysis, this description is accompanied by an overview of developments in electoral politics since the dawn of the current democratic era.

This study explores what factors influence congressman's performance in the Congressional Committees of the Korean National Assembly. It selects five variables such as congressman's education, age, whether they belong to a political party in power, how long they serve as a congressman, and whether they are elected through proportional representation or district representation. This study finds that being a party member in power and long experience as a congressman have a negative effect on congressional performance. Education and distintion between proportional representation and district representation have little effect on congressman's performance. This study draws some policy implications for higher level of representation by congressman in the National Assembly.

No theory can explain regionalism, party choice, candidate personality, policy and money with one unified frame in the 16th parliamentary election in Korea 2000. Party choice of constituents is correlated with regionalism, which could be well understood in either emotional or rational theory because they vote in their own subjective rational judgement. They may select their preferable party based on emotional subjective regionalism or perceived on unequal disadvantaged regionalism. So regionalism in Korea could be explained in both cognitive psychological theory and rational choice theory. The candidate personality seems to prevail more in the Korean parliamentary election than party. If so then, the independent candidates should be elected but in fact they are a few only. Policy that a candidate or a party presented in the election has not enough influence upon win or defeat. It may be interpreted as much money demand for winning during informal or formal campaigning that campaign money is related with winning significantly. One noticeable achievement of elections is the successful civic campaign to boycott unfit politicians, even though the campaign has been ruled as unconstitutional by the Supreme Court.

W A Then the People's Republic of China (China) threw its support strictly behind North Korea for almost four decades after the end of the Korean War (1950-1953), it gave generous amounts of military and economic assistance, was the major guarantor of Pyongyang's security, and rebuffed South Korean peace gestures. This extreme position could not long be maintained under the shifting conditions and demands of world politics and economics, however, especially as China sought to become increasingly integrated into the international community under Deng Xiaoping's guidance and to increase its leadership role in the Asian Pacific region. Attaining these goals has led to a new China policy on the Korean Peninsula, officially marked by the normalization of diplomatic relations between China and South Korea in 1992. It was also a step towards gradually edging out U.S. influence and establishing its own on the Korean Peninsula. While China has overhauled policies significantly toward South Korea, it has also attempted to maintain friendly relations with North Korea.1 By no means have the Chinese stopped providing assistance to North Korea or giving proper respect to the traditional close relationship between the two countries. At the same time, China has been cooperative in urging negotiations for a new and permanent Korean peace treaty and in participating in the Four-Party talks. The PRC, along with the U.S.,Japan and Russia, has a goal to promote stability on the potentially explosive Korean Peninsula, but does not want the status quo change radically, since its relationships with both Koreas are advantageous for China. Thus, its two-Korea policy, practical and updated, signals China's new determination to assume a position of leadership in the world, especially in Asia. Managing to maintain good relations with both Koreas is a balancing act in which China must carefully adapt to changes and events on the peninsula. The defection of high-profile North Korean leader Hwang Chang Yop while he was in Beijing in February 1997 created a tense diplomatic situation

For the General Elections in 2000, nearly one thousand civic groups in South Korea joined forces to stage so-called “defeat campaign” against allegedly corrupt, incompetent or “ill-mannered” politicians. While sociologists and political scientists are still engaged in debates as to the success of the campaign, there is no denying that it played a significant role in thwarting many politicians from getting nominated or elected. It is also true that the defeat campaign has heralded a new era of Korean politics in which civic groups have emerged as a major political force, capable of challenging government or party policies and pending bills as well as influencing agenda setting in a diverse array of policy areas. The paper shows that the enthusiastic public support, effective strategies of the campaign and attentive mass media, among others, contributed to the campaign's “success.” The paper also shows that a complex political calculation was involved in the parties' differing reaction to the alliance's effort, which increasingly constrained the latter's manoeuvrability. It is also argued that greater political involvement by civic groups is likely to lead to more pluralistic, open and competitive form of democracy in which voters become more aware of political issues and participate more actively in political processes.

The Republic of Korea (Korea hereinafter) has been widely regarded as one of the most vigorous and analytically interesting third-wave democracies (Diamond and Shin, 2000: 1). During the first decade of democratic rule, Korea has successfully carried out a large number of electoral and other reforms to transform the institutions and procedures of military-authoritarian rule into those of a representative democracy. Unlike many of its counterparts in Latin America and elsewhere, Korea has fully restored civilian rule by extricating the military from power. As is the case in established democracies of North America and Western Europe, free and competitive elections have been regularly held at all the different levels of the government. In the most recent presidential election, held in December 1997, Korea also established itself as a mature electoral democracy by elevating an opposition party to political power. In Korea today, there is general agreement that electoral politics has become the only possible political game in town.

Abstract The summit meeting between the two Korean heads of state, which took place in Pyongyang in June 2000, constitutes a major turning point in the peninsula's history. As the effects of the meeting are gradually unfolding, a period of détente no longer seems impossible. But major difficulties remain unsolved and Korea will continue to be one of the world's most volatile areas. The task of this essay is to identify and analyse some of the entrenched political patterns that will challenge policy-makers in the years ahead. To do so it is necessary to portray the conflict in Korea not only in conventional ideological and geopolitical terms, but also, and primarily, as a question of identity. From such a vantage-point two components are essential in the search for a more peaceful peninsula. Substantial progress has recently been made in the first realm, the need to approach security problems, no matter how volatile they seem, in a cooperative and dialogical, rather than merely a coercive manner. The second less accepted but perhaps more important factor, revolves around the necessity to recognize that dialogue has its limits, that the party on the other side of the DMZ cannot always be accommodated or subsumed into compromise. Needed is an ethics of difference: a willingness to accept that the other's sense of identity and politics may be inherently incompatible with one's own. Keywords: Korea Security Identity Conflict Resolution Unification

Abstract Includes all relevant information on national elections and referendums held in South Korea since independence in 1948. Part I gives a comprehensive overview of South Korea's political history, outlines the evolution of electoral provisions, and presents the current electoral legislation in a standardized manner (suffrage, elected institutions, nomination of candidates, electoral system, organizational context of elections). Part II includes exhaustive electoral statistics in systematic tables (numbers of registered voters, votes cast, the votes for candidates and/or parties in parliamentary and presidential elections and referendums at both the national and regional level, the electoral participation of political parties, the national and regional distribution of parliamentary seats, etc.).

This paper argues that Korea, which has long been dominated by the state in many facets of its socio-economic and political activity, is undergoing a fundamental change from a ‘developmental state’ to a ‘third party government, ’ and the pace of the transformation has quickened since the economic crisis of 1997. Distinguishing features of this transformation have been the pervasive sharing of responsibility for the delivery of publicly-financed services and the exercise of governmental authority with a host of what Salamon (1995) called “third parties” which include local governments, quasi-autonomous (regulatory) agencies, quangos, nonprofit organizations, public enterprises, and other private institutions. Not only has the state transformed the way it provides many vital and peripheral public services by privatizing or contracting out to private agencies, but also substantial changes have been made as to how it makes policy by forming a more ‘inclusive policy network’ rather than the usual ‘exclusive network.’ By examining the changes in both the scale of government activity and the proliferation of new ‘tools’ of government actions, one can detect a fundamental transformation in the way the state operates in both the policy formulation and implementation stages. The changes brought by these three factors require a new thinking on terms ‘public management’ and ‘public responsibility’ in Korea. Privatization of public services in a board sense, the utilization of advisory committees, and the growing influence of NGOs have caused the public and private sectors to have multiple and overlapping responsibilities. Thoughts must to be given to how public values and probity can be preserved while maintaining and improving safeguards against increased opportunities for bureaucratic and political behavior.

Emphasizing the existence of diverse forms of politics of local economic development under diverse social, political, and institutional conditions, this research aims to examine the relation between the conditions and the forms of local development politics.In particular, it focuses on how the nature of party politics affects the ways in which territorial interests are materially and discursively constructed and politically mobilized in regulatory processes.Empirically, this research addresses a distinct form of the politics of local economic development that is encountered in South Korea: a politics of regionalism.Main analytical questions in this research are: I) under what conditions have party political cleavages been constructed around territorial interests?; 2) how has the territorialized party politics affected the ways in which territorial interests are defined and mobilized in the processes of regulation.For this analysis, this research employs qualitative methods, focusing on two case studies, which have been chosen to underline the ways in which the regionalist politics in South Korea has evolved over time.The second case study is about a politics of regionalism occurring in the context of an inter-local conflict between Taegu and Pusan, two major cities in southeastern Korea.This case is significant because it addresses a different form of regionalist politics evolving in the 1990s, in particular its construction at smaller and more local spatial scales.Through this case study, the research aims to answer two questions; 1) how have the political changes of the late 1980s and the early 1990s -characterized as political democratization and government decentralization -affected forms of the politics of local economic development in South Korea?; 2) how has a regionalist politics persisted despite these changes in the socio-political environment?Data collection for the case studies has relied on archival research and interviews.Archival research has been mandated for the former case study since the electoral divide between the southeast and the southwest happened approximately 30 years ago and alternative forms of qualitative investigation are, therefore, pre-empted.Archival research has been also used for the analysis of the new form of regionalist politics in the 1990s.For this, I have used various sources, such as the documents of both central and local governments, chambers of commerce, political parties, civil organizations, and central and local novspapers.hi addition, interviews were a crucial means of gathering information, especially for the case study on the regionalist politics in Taegu in the 1990s.Approximately 25 in depth interviews were conducted with 3 local officials of Taegu City, 2 members of Taegu Municipal Council, 1 former member of the Economic Advisory Committee of Taegu City, 2 staff members of the Taegu Chamber of Commerce, 1 staff members of the Dahlsung Chamber of Commerce, 3 staff members of Local Business Organizations, 4 staff members of local labor unions, 3 staff members of local civil organizations, 2 reporters of local media, and 2 university professors in Taegu, 2 staff members of the Central Headquater of the Federation of Korean Trade Unions (FKTU) and 1 staff member of the Korean Confederation of Trade Unions (KCTU).The interviews focused on identifying the motivations behind each of the respondent's action in the political processes with respect to the Taegu-Pusan tension.Based on the materials and data collected through archival research and interviews, I have attempted to probe the following questions: 1) what were the material bases for the inter regional or inter-local tension in the two case studies?; 2) under what conditions were those material bases constructed?; 3) who played a key role in defining and mobilizing interests in territorial terms and why?; 4) which conditions facilitated or constrained those actors' territorializing political practices?1A The Structure of the Thesis My dissertation comprises four chapters.First, I present a conceptual frameworic for studying the territorial politics of regulation in Chapter 2. This chapter provides, in the first place, an abstract view of the territorial politics of regulation.Then, comparing the forms of local development politics in the US, the UK, and South Korea, it discusses the conditions that may contribute to the diverse expressions of territorial politics.Chapter 3 contextualizes my case studies in terms of state-led capitalist industrialization in South Korea.In particular, it briefly discusses the conditions facilitating the emergence of regionalist party politics, explaining how they have been shaped in the context of stateorchestrated capitalist development and proposing causal linkages between these conditions and regionalist politics.Chapter 4 deals with the first case study, which addresses the SE-SW electoral divide in the late 1960s and the early 1970s.Chapter 5 discusses a politics of regionalism that occurred in relation to the Taegu-Pusan conflict in the mid 1990s.

Focusing on the emergence and evolution of environmentalism in South Korea and Taiwan since the mid-1980s, this paper analyzes the relationship between democratic consolidation and environmental politics. In both countries, an environmental movement arose after a series of environmental disasters and expanded through the effective politicization of environmental issues by the opposition parties. The general relationship between environmental groups and political parties differs significantly in the two countries compared. In South Korea, environmental groups have maintained relative autonomy from political society, forging only tactical alignments with opposition parties. In Taiwan, the environmental movement from its inception has been closely affiliated with and depended upon the dissident movement. Additionally, in terms of the relationship between the environmental movement and the state, South Korea represents a pattern of "congruent engagement" whereas Taiwan stands for a "conflictual engagement." These differences in the development of environmentalism are closely related to the different modes of democratic transition in the two countries. In South Korea, the intensive "politics of protest" by civil society groups resulted in drastic changes in the ruling bloc. In Taiwan, elite-led and pacted transition largely enabled the ruling regime to maintain its control of society at large. As a result, in South Korea environmentalism emerged as a "new social movement" after the transition, whereas in Taiwan, it served as an essential component of the pro-democracy movement against the KMT government.

Despite the dramatic final breakthrough in summer 1987, the democratization of South Korea (hereinafter Korea) displayed the hallmarks of a gradual or continuous transition from authoritarianism. These included: liberalization emanating from within the regime; continuity of personnel from the authoritarian ruling elite; continuity in economic and foreign policy; and the exclusion from power of the representatives of the economically disadvantaged groups. Such features of democratic deficit have been observed for Korea and for Brazil, two countries whose experiences of authoritarian developmentalism are commonly compared. Events in recent years suggest the possibility of more fundamental reform of Korea's economic and political institutions. The financial crisis of late-1997 led to the most serious economic recession for 40 years. Held in the middle of the financial meltdown, the presidential election of December 1997 resulted in a victory for Kim Dae-Jung (or DJ as he is commonly known), a veteran dissident associated with the excluded constituencies (not only his own underdeveloped home region but also labour and progressivelyminded intellectuals and activists).

Research Article| November 01 2000 The 2000 Parliamentary Election in South Korea Hong Nack Kim Hong Nack Kim Search for other works by this author on: This Site PubMed Google Scholar Asian Survey (2000) 40 (6): 894–913. https://doi.org/10.2307/3021194 Views Icon Views Article contents Figures & tables Video Audio Supplementary Data Peer Review Share Icon Share Twitter LinkedIn Tools Icon Tools Get Permissions Cite Icon Cite Search Site Citation Hong Nack Kim; The 2000 Parliamentary Election in South Korea. Asian Survey 1 November 2000; 40 (6): 894–913. doi: https://doi.org/10.2307/3021194 Download citation file: Ris (Zotero) Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu toolbar search search input Search input auto suggest filter your search All ContentAsian Survey Search This content is only available via PDF. Copyright 2000 The Regents of the University of California Article PDF first page preview Close Modal You do not currently have access to this content.

This essay discusses the Korean National Assembly's change of influence upon public policy since the Democratic Era. In the early phase of the current Era, the first half of the Thirteenth Assembly showed strong signs of policy activism. Later on, however, the legislature slipped back into a modest policy role. As with the Authoritarian Era, the Executive monopolizes the policy making process. Except for changes in constitutional provisions, party politics and legislative organizational features continue to prevent the Assembly from having a strong political voice.

Abstract Much attention has been paid to the economics of the Asian financial crisis, but less to its politics. In this article we examine two clusters of domestic political factors that contributed to Korea's difficulties. First, a combination of selective liberalization with close government–bank–business relations contributed to the investment boom and excessive leveraging that made the Korean economy vulnerable to external shocks. Second, we examine how politically generated uncertainty in an election year, compounded by features of the party system, resulted in a delayed response to problems in the financial sector and in dealing with the IMF. These delays, in turn, contributed to the length and depth of the crisis. Keywords: Financial Crisis Asian Financial Crisis

The 1990s witnessed major developments in Korea and Taiwan's continuing democratization. Rather than focus on voters with some level of partisan identification, though, in this paper we take on a "road less traveled" by examining the behavior of independent voters. Specifically, this article addresses the following questions: What are the impacts of independent voters on the emerging party systems in Taiwan and Korea? What are the implications of independent voters on democratic consolidation and, more particularly, the volatility of elections in Taiwan and Korea? Based on a comparative analysis of "independent" voter behavior in these two countries, the paper discusses the implications of their political development and the direction of future research.

The 1990s witnessed major developments in Korea and Taiwan’s continuing democratization. Rather than focus on voters with some level of partisan identification, though, in this paper we take on a “road less traveled” by examining the behavior of independent voters. Specifically, this article addresses the following questions: What are the impacts of independent voters on the emerging party systems in Taiwan and Korea? What are the implications of independent voters on democratic consolidation and, more particularly, the volatility of elections in Taiwan and Korea? Based on a comparative analysis of “independent” voter behavior in these two countries, the paper discusses the implications of their political development and the direction of future research.

This article is a study of how the North and South Korean governments have sponsored differing national identities through their school curricula. Each regime has instructed its people in a specific definition of Korean identity by incorporating a national Other into its national identity. For both governments, national identity has been based upon historical legacies as well as a need to distinguish itself from its rival while following the idiom of it own ideology. For the South, I study Todok (Ethics) textbooks taken from the early 1960s and 1979. For the North, I examine seventeen textbooks published between 1986 and 1991.

In recent years there has been a marked resurgence of interest in the effects of electoral laws on important aspects of politics such as party competition. In this volume, a distinguished group of scholars looks at the impact of one set of electoral rules--the single non-transferable vote--on electoral competition in Japan, Korea and Taiwan. Under this plan citizens are allowed one vote even though there is more than one seat to be filled. In comparative studies of the adoption and rejection of the single nontransferable vote and the consequences of its use across different settings, the contributors explore the differences in the operation and effects of the application of the same rule in different countries. Arguing that any single feature of a political system is embedded in a political structure and cannot be understood in isolation, the authors demonstrate how the same rule can have different consequences depending on the context in which it operates. The contributors offer fresh insights into the comparative study of political institutions as well as into the operation of particular electoral rules. In addition to the editors, the contributors include Kathleen Bawn, John Boland, Jean-Marie Bouissou, Gary Cox, John Fu-Sheng Hsieh, Arend Lijphart, Emerson Niou, Steven R. Reed, and Frances Rosenbluth, among others. Bernard Grofman is Professor of Political Science, University of California at Irvine. Edwin A. Winckler is at the East Asian Institute, Columbia University. Brian Woodall is Assistant Professor in the School of International Affairs, Georgia Institute of Technology. Sung-Chull Lee is Assistant Professor of Political Science, University of California at Irvine.

Part I. The Political System: 1. Uncertain dynamics of democratization 2. Human meaning of democratization Part II. Average Citizens: 3. Commitment to democratic consolidation 4. Citizen competence and participation Part III. Representative Institutions: 5. Legislative assemblies 6. Political parties Part IV. Non-Western Roads to Democratization: 7. Consolidating nascent democracy 8. Acquiring democratic orientations 9. Korean democratization: problems and prospects.

Abstract The greater the gap between democratic ideals and reality, the greater the resulting tension. This chapter presents a model of tension in a new democracy and applies it to the Republic of Korea (South Korea), drawing on survey data from the 1997 New Korea Barometer. South Korea is particularly suitable for intensive analysis, since the level of mass education is high and commitment to democratic ideals is also high, yet the introduction of free elections in 1987 has produced a succession of presidents whose actions in government have fallen well short of the democratic ideal, leading to convictions on corruption charges. The political fallout of the abuse of power for personal gain was exacerbated in 1997 when the government faced the national humiliation of relying on the biggest International Monetary Fund loan in history to avoid financial collapse and the chapter concludes by considering demand‐driven pressure for reform.

The paper discusses the voting rule of simple majority as a global standard and fundamental principle of democratic politics and evaluates the current Korean presidential-electoral system applying this principle. In a democratic political system, anybody with certain qualifications can become a political leader. Such qualifications can be represented in part by the condition that democratic political leaders must win at least a certain level of public support, usually measured through elections. For example, if there are two presidential candidates in a democratic society, the candidate getting more votes in an election acquires the position (the principle of simple majority).\n\n The importance of electoral rules can be easily figured out when referring to Kenneth Arrows Impossibility Theorem and William H. Rikers claim on politics as a manipulation. It is well known that under different electoral rules electoral outcomes can be quite different even with the voters of the same preference. This implies that voters could elect a candidate not preferred by the majority. I contend that the current Korean presidential-electoral system is highly likely to allow voters to elect a candidate without the support of a simple majority because the system is based on the electoral rule of plurality. Therefore, I examine other electoral systems that could fix the problem, and suggest to adopt the run-off system, which appears to be the best alternative to replace the current plurality system.\n\n By adopting the run-off system in the Korean presidential-electoral system, the following positive effects are expected: 1) weakening political regionalism, 2) promoting policy competition and power transition among major parties, 3) developing a two-party system in the long run, and ultimately, 4) increasing the political stability in Korean politics. This study shows that the run-off system is more democratic theoretically than the current plurality rule for electing presi？dent under the existing multi-party system. I argue that the benefits derived from adopting more democratic electoral rules will exceed the costs of implementing one more ballot in the presidential elections ultimately, which can be supported indirectly by the run-off practices of French and Russian presidential elections. We must notice that the typical practices of democracy are elections to choose public representatives. So we don"t have to be afraid of implementing one more ballot cast for democratic citizens. With the possible effects, Korean democratic consolidation would be enhanced to meet the global standards of democratic politics.

As the parties concerned seem to be finally groping for the possibility of negotiating a new peace system to replace the old one of armistice in the Korean peninsula, it may be worthwhile to look at the Political Conference on Korea which was held in Geneva over forty years ago. To begin with, this was the first major international conference in which the two Koreas participated as sovereign states.1 This was not limited to formalities. Each, and particularly the Republic of Korea, was an important element in terms of substance throughout the Conference from the very beginning to its termination in its organization, negotiations and conclusion.2 More important, the Conference was the first and last occasion at which the two Koreas participated in a discussion of the unification of Korea together with the leading world powers. The Conference was also the last major occasion on which the Korean problem was discussed in the context of the international order created in the aftermath of the second world war. In other words, it was the last time the major powers in charge of the post-second world war problems dealt with Korean affairs. In particular, the British Commonwealth intervened for the last time in the discussion of Korean problems. Perhaps it was also the last opportunity for Britain to play a hand in international affairs as a world power.3 On the other hand, it also presented the opportunity for the opening of a new era in international politics: the communist regime in China, established through years of civil and anti-Japanese war, was finally making a debut in the international arena on the strength of its successful resistance to the major western powers on the battlefields of Korea. Of course, the USA tried not to recognize the international status of China. However, it was obvious that nobody could deny for long the entry of China into international politics as a power on its own. For the time being, however, the overwhelming influence of the USA suppressed this, at least below the surface. What was strange about this Conference was that nobody, including the actual participants themselves, seriously thought that it would solve any problems. As expected, the Conference ended without any progress being made. Nevertheless, Chou En-lai remarked when the Conference was over that

Abstract: Many of the modernization school who use the culturalist approach have criticized the regional voting patterns in Korea as premodern and traditional. Employing rational choice theory, regional voting is regarded as issue voting with patterns and degrees that are expected to vary with the choices offered and the voters’ experiences with regional discrimination. Empirical findings from the survey data are found to support this argument. The results raise some questions on the culturalist approach in explaining Korean democratization.

In the authoritarian era, the Korean National Assembly was a fairly weak form of marginal legislature. In the early years of democratic development, the legislature became a weak form of vulnerable legislature. Presently, however, it is a fairly strong form of marginal legislature. The constitution authorises the legislature to check the executive branch. Elections have become increasingly free and fair. Interest group pluralism steadily deepens. Nevertheless, the National Assembly operates in an environment where political culture is not conducive to compromise politics and the bureaucracy is not quite responsive to the legislature. Political parties are not responsible, nor is the party system stable. Looking inside the legislature, there exists a serious gap between its formality and actual workings. Formal rules, the committee system and staff service are reasonably well arranged. Yet they do not function effectively. Legislative members are potentially competent, but in actuality inexperienced in their legislative work.

Public Opinion in New DemocraciesPolitical Ambivalence in South Korea and Taiwan Doh Chull Shin (bio) and Huoyan Shyu (bio) The current wave of global democratization first washed the shores of East Asia more than a decade after it began in the Southern Europe of the mid-1970s. Of East Asia's various authoritarian states, South Korea (hereafter Korea) and Taiwan were the first two to join the wave, embarking almost simultaneously on a series of peaceful democratic reforms. 1 Since 1987, when Korea began to terminate three decades of military rule and Taiwan began dismantling four decades of one-party dictatorship, these two East Asian states have been jointly leading their regional peers in transforming age-old authoritarian political institutions and procedures. As "two of the most promising democratic transitions of the past decade," moreover, they are also increasingly viewed as "challeng[ing] directly the notion that Confucian societies don't really want democracy." 2 The focus here is on the dynamics of cultural democratization in East Asia. To what degree do the Korean and Taiwanese people support democracy as a political ideal as well as a viable political system? How broadly based is this support? Has it been rising or falling? How does it compare with its counterparts in new democracies of other regions? To answer such questions, we examined a series of national-sample surveys conducted separately in Korea and Taiwan over the past six years. Korea and Taiwan have been called "quintessential outlier states" in the current wave of democratization. 3 What characteristics make them outliers in the club of new democracies? How have these characteristics shaped the dynamics of their cultural democratization, as citizens reorient themselves away from authoritarianism and toward democracy? To [End Page 109] understand the origins of cultural democratization in both countries, one must pay especially close attention to the interplay of three factors: 1) inhibitions imposed by military threats from their respective rival regimes (North Korea and the People's Republic of China) ruled by communist ideology; 2) the economic legacies of authoritarian capitalism that have molded an attitude of obsessive pragmatism; and 3) the continuing influence of the Confucian tradition. Of all the countries that have recently undergone change to a democratic regime, Korea and Taiwan remain the only two states that are territorially and ideologically divided nations. They are on constant guard not only against military threats from their rival regimes but also against ideological challenges to their national ethos of liberal democracy. Owing to such ideological polarization and military hostility, anticommunism was officially declared the most crucial characteristic defining democratic political order in these countries. By equating anticommunism with democracy itself, ruling elites sought to forestall challenges to the cultural foundations of what were in practice right-wing dictatorships. 4 Inevitably, citizens were denied opportunities to learn the ideals and values of democratic politics and to nurture its procedural norms. Under the military regime in Korea and the Leninist (but anticommunist) one-party regime in Taiwan, what had once been small, poverty-stricken colonies of imperial Japan became economic powerhouses envied throughout the world. Yet the authoritarian regimes were digging their own graves, for their economic successes conditioned people to want something more and better in the political sphere. In Central and Eastern Europe under communism, as in Latin America under assorted military juntas, economic failures had led to democratic shifts. In Korea and Taiwan, by contrast, it was growing prosperity that created pressures for democratic change. Prosperity meant more highly educated publics, enlarged middle classes, and other conditions conducive to the emergence of democratic political systems. These developments, in turn, led the Korean and Taiwanese peoples to demand the end of heavy-handed authoritarian rule. 5 In the wake of the change, however, the legacy of authoritarian-sponsored prosperity has constrained cultural democratization by circumscribing both the meaning and strategy of democratization. For those who fared well under authoritarianism, greater democratization spells political uncertainty and heightens anxiety. In both countries, therefore, the progress of democratic reform has been gradual. No fundamental restructuring of their development-oriented capitalist systems, which in the eyes of ordinary citizens and their leaders have been working well for decades, has been attempted...

Rational choice refers to the application of microeconomic theory to various decision-making situations. It conceives of the individual as a goal-directed actor who pursues the best available means to a given end.' Rational choice theory assumes methodological individualism and purposeful action. According to methodological individualism, social processes and outcomes are the result of individual preferences and choices. Methodological individualism simply reminds us that only people can set goals, determine their preferences, and choose among possible alternatives. Thus, all group choice ultimately must be understood in terms of individual choice. Human action may be interpreted as directed to attaining certain goals. People act for certain purposes, and we must understand these purposes in order to explain their actions.2 Rational choice theory has been rigorously applied to many subfields of political science, such as the U.S. Congress, interest groups and bureaucracy, the formation of coalition governments in multiparty parliamentary systems, labor-capital relations, party and electoral politics, consociationalism, and legislative procedures in western democracies. The rational choice literature in these areas has grown so fast that it is difficult to name representative writings without doing injustice to many others. Nevertheless, rational choice has been used almost exclusively to analyze political phenomena in the West. In the West the identity of political actors, choices available to them, and resulting outcomes are common knowledge. Actors' preferences and the rules of the game are clear-cut. And society is based on cultural and economic individualism.

The restoration of direct presidential elections in 1987 provided momentum for democratization in South Korea. Indeed, popular election of the president had become a symbol of democratization since President Park Chung-hee abolished it in 1972. It may be still a matter for debate whether South Korea is a fully democratized country, but since the democratic 'founding' election of 1987, it has held free and competitive elections five times nationwide (a second presidential election in 1992, three more National Assembly elections in 1988, 1992 and 1996, and an election in 1995 for local government bodies) and the electoral process has begun to occupy a central place in South Korean politics. This paper focuses on the meaning of elections in South Korea during the democratization period (1985-92). It begins by briefly reviewing the political process from 19455 to 1987, with particular attention to South Korea's democratic experiments, and then discusses how the old and new cleavages - that is, the cleavages of government versus opposition, and of course regionalism - have shaped electoral choice in elections during the democratization period. The paper also discusses the role played by regional cleavages, which have continued to prevail in electoral contests since 1987, within the current presidential system of government in South Korea.

Since the end of thirty years of military dictatorship and the election, nearly four years ago, of the country's first civilian president in three decades, the Republic of Korea is a more open country with a government that pledges respect for international human rights. Nevertheless, the government of South Korea has not lived up to its pledges. Key laws that suppressed human rights in the country during the decades of military rule have not been changed, and President Kim Young-sam has used them against political opponents and labor activists.

South Korea took a big step toward the consolidation of its democracy in February 1993 with the inauguration of President Kim Young Sam. It was a watershed event, as Kim's ascension to the nation's highest office after 40 years in the opposition testified that the forces of democracy, unleashed in the last days of the Chun Doo Hwan government through the widely acclaimed June 29 Declaration, were steadily on course.' Roh Tae Woo succeeded President Chun after winning a direct, popular election, thus setting a precedent for the peaceful transfer of power. Kim Young Sam succeeded Roh after the latter's five-year term, further solidifying the process. As the first president with a civilian background since 1961, Kim entered office to public acclamation, and wasted no time in moving to implement his long-awaited agenda. This article will evaluate Kim's performance during his first three years in office, highlighting the most salient political events during the period, and identifying issues likely to be dealt with in the last two years of his term.

Since the early 1960s Korea has been dominated by strong presidents who sought to exert control over all aspects of the policy process. Other institutions, such as the legislature, political parties, and interest groups, were noticeably underdeveloped and played a subordinate role in the policy process. Only the bureaucracy, often working in concert with business interests, evolved to temper the absolute control of the president. The absolute influence of the president was very noticeable in matters relating to industrial and technological development. But this picture of a presidentcentered state is beginning to change. The twin forces of democratization and technological progress are leading toward a greater emphasis on institutionalization and away from personality-driven policy arrangements. This movement results from demands that government be more responsive to sectoral and public demands and better skilled at handling the complexities of technology-related issues. From a system in which authority over policy is imposed by the president and his closest advisors, a new one is emerging in which the president still plays a major role in policy guidance and direction but emphasis is increasingly placed on his ability to act as a broker among divergent and often competing bureaucratic and sectoral interests. This paper explains these important institutional dynamics against the backdrop of the technological policy orientations of the Korean presidency. In recent years scholars have begun to distinguish technology policy as a component of general economic development policy schemes. Through technology policy the state pursues courses of action which facilitate the development of technology and make it accessible to sectoral interests.' Industrial policy, in contrast, is more targeted. It involves governmental intervention in specific manufacturing and product sectors and is aimed at matching or surpassing similar actions taken by other states; it can also take advantage of the lack of commensurate policy actions by other states. Technology policy involves not only the enhancement of technological capability through the encouragement of research and development for successful absorption and improvement of imported technologies, but also the development of processes to create and utilize new products and practices.2 In short, technology policy as a component of general economic planning can be seen as entailing three dimensions: acquiring advanced

This thesis examines the process by which Korean voters come to their voting decision, especially in the era of democratic transition (1985-1992). The main focus of this study is on the political cleavage structures that have led Korean voters to choose one party over the others in elections. By analysing two sets of sample survey data, which cover the elections in the period of democratic transition, it attempts to unravel the nature of the two main dimensions of political cleavage: that is, the urban-rural and regional differences in electoral support, which are in essence descriptions of vote distribution at the aggregate level. The impact of changes in the party system on the voters during this period is discussed with reference first to the patterns of movement of voters across the subsequent elections and second to the patterns of voter alignment on the two main dimensions. In general, the movements of voters were quite stable along the line of government versus opposition. Patterns in electoral support along the urban-rural dimension depict ‘continuity’ across the elections, whereas patterns in electoral support based on regionalism suggest ‘change’ as much as ‘continuity.’ The past cleavage of regime versus pro-democratic support, which was often reflected in urban-rural differences in electoral support, is found to consist more of differences in socialisation. The different composition of socialisation variables, age and education in particular, between urban and rural areas accounts for the yocK on yado (government-rural, opposition-urban) phenomenon. The regional differences in voting, which appeared as a new (and most important) political cleavage in the elections of this period, are mainly due to ‘personalism.’ The voters, who heavily rely on personality factors for their voting decision, seem to have used the regional traits of the candidates and their parties for the evaluations of candidates most importantly. This thesis argues that voter alignment along regional lines - lines which are vertically drawn rather than cross-cutting; highly personalised and emotioncharged rather than interest oriented; and which exhibit a centrifugal tendency - may hinder democratic stability based on the presidential system of government. Moreover, it would be unfortunate if the current pattem of regional alignment entails the permanent exclusion of some population from political power. For the formation of a more responsive political system, more care is needed for the political actors and the voters alike. Given the ideological rigidity of the society on the Right-Left continuum, the converting of the old pro-government versus pro-democratic cleavage into a conservative versus liberal framework, and, further, the rendering of the converted cleavage to a central place in electoral competition, can be a viable option in the foreseeable future if the presidential system in Korea continues to prosper.

ASIANPERSPECTIVE, Vol. 19, No. 1, Spring-Summer 1995, pp. 163-193 POLITICAL CORRUPTION IN SOUTH KOREA: CONCENTRATING ON THE DYNAMICS OF PARTY POLITICS Byeong-Seog Park Introduction: Characteristics of Political Corruption The concept of corruption is variously interpreted as regards its scope and the degree of damage it inflicts upon political insti­ tutions.1 Divergences in definitions and perceptions of what constitutes corruption are attributable to many factors, particu­ larly differences in historical experience and social conditions. Corruption is a relative concept: a great deal depends on whether practices are accepted or condemned by those who live and work in the milieu in which such practices prevail. If, nevertheless, one were to hazard a generalization for Korea, corruption can be understood as an abuse of power (by bureaucrats, including National Assembly members and other elected officials), especially when such abuse involves evasion of the law for the purpose of benefitting individual private interests, corporate entities or a political interest group.2 According to Markovits and Silverstein, misuse of an official post for partisan advantage is viewed as a displacement of pub­ lic by private interests, analogous to incidents of bribery pun­ ishable under the criminal law. The fruits of corruption can be broadly conceived: monetary gain, career advantage, or simply accumulation of political power.3 The foregoing definition of corruption assumes a bifurca­ tion of the private and public spheres, for it applies only to acts 163 164 Byeong-Seog Park of public officials, (and, by extension, candidates for elective offices). It embodies categorical claims to the effect that public officials must never use their positions for private ends. In medieval systems in which such a categorical distinction had no application, the meaning of corruption varied considerably. In those systems, uses of public office for private benefit were taken for granted because public posts were conceptualized as a mode of personal property.4 This illustrates the extent to which the meaning of corruption depends on historically relative expectations about the motives and scope of corruption. To establish criteria by which to measure corruption is sub­ sequently no simple matter. The utility of the "polity patholo­ gy" notion of corruption acquired significance with the demar­ cation of public and private spheres as state and society became differentiated.5 The question arises here whether this schema supplies suitable criteria for evaluating the behavior of public servants, including elected officials. Such an evaluation is com­ plicated by the fact that many corrupt practices have not been specifically envisaged by and outlawed in legal norms. Apart from legal regulations, elite judgements and broader public opinion also influence decisions about corruption. Even where there are no practically effective controls constraining decisions made and implemented by relatively autonomous rulers, they remain subject to the scrutiny of a broader social conscience. Thus, public opinion acquires significance, though to extract "the best judgement" from the social milieu is no easy matter.6 Given that public opinion is far from infallible, empiri­ cal analyses of corruption should be distinguished from analy­ ses of value judgments about corruption, especially mass media judgments.7 It is characteristic of corruption that social costs are incurred from imposing sanctions relating to abuses of power. Widely publicized incidents of corruption relating to the abuse of political funds can result in injury to the public interest. In an industrialized capitalist state, for example, political funds con­ tributed by a specific entity are usually tax deductible. If it is revealed that such a political contribution was illegally made, the political party may suffer a loss of trust from citizens. If tax evasion is protected by a famous politician, it may result in a deterioration of voluntary tax compliance and a rise in political Political Corruption in South Korea 165 cynicism. The greater the degree of government intervention in eco­ nomic and social processes, the greater the potential for corrup­ tion and the more difficult the task of controlling corruption through legal instruments, even if a certain minimal consensus on the illegitimacy of corruption exists. Because the governing group or ruling party is often the culprit in instances of bribery and circumvention of legal restrictions on political fundraising, it is unlikely to seek to diminish corruption through...

Abstract This study examines the growth of popular support for a competitive multi‐party system as an indicator of democratic consolidation in South Korea. Using a national sample survey conducted in November 1993, it demonstrates that the South Korean mass public has been very slow to develop affective, behavioural, cognitive and evaluative links to political parties which, however, constitute an integral channel for representing its preferences in the policy‐making process. Contrary to the tenets of the neo‐corporatist and other theoretical models, this study finds that the failure of political parties to democratize their performance has been, and remains, a major factor inhibiting the development of popular support for a democratic party system. Based on this and other findings, we would predict much continuing difficulty and uncertainty in the process of consolidating South Korean political parties into a fully democratic party system.

Summary For the first time since the 1961 military coup, South Koreans went to the polls on June 27th to elect provincial governors, mayors and other local officials in what was widely seen as both a mid-term assessment of President Kim Young Sam and as the opening shot in the battle for the Blue House--up for grabs in 1997 at the expiration of Kim's five-year term. The results of the June local autonomy elections have dramatically altered the Republic of Korea (ROK) political landscape. The elections produced a new generation of political leaders while setting the stage for one final clash of the titans of the old guard, the three Kims--Kim Young Sam, Kim Dae Jung and Kim Jong Pil. The results demonstrate both the promise and the limitations of Korean democracy, and have important policy implications for the United States. Election Results While the campaign season was not devoid of controversy--for example, in a successful effort to prevent the ruling Democratic Liberal Party (DLP) from passing a proposal to postpone the elections, opposition Democratic Party (DP) members held the National Assembly speaker and vice speaker captive in their own homes for a week--the elections were largely devoid of the widespread fraud, corruption and violence that have marred previous plebiscites. Opposition candidates showed that they could not only compete against, but actually defeat ruling party candidates in head-to-head competition. The elections marked the end of the era in which all local officials were appointed by the central government in Seoul. And, while the elections were for local offices, their impact has reverberated throughout the Republic and has altered the national political balance of power. The results were a major blow to President Kim Young Sam, and while they may not have rendered him a lame duck, his stature has clearly been diminished even before the midpoint in his constitutionally mandated single five-year term. Of the top 15 prizes--the provincial gubernatorial and major city mayoral slots--President Kim's Democratic Liberal Party captured only five (the governors' posts in Kyonggi and North and South Kyongsang provinces and the mayors' positions in Pusan and Inchon.) The Democratic Party, with which Kim Dae Jung has been closely allied even though he had officially retired from politics following his defeat in the 1992 presidential race, captured the jewel in the crown, the mayor's slot in Seoul. The DP also won in Kim Dae Jung's strongholds of North and South Cholla provinces and the city of Kwangju. The United Liberal Democratic Party--founded in March by Kim Jong Pil--made an impressive debut, winning the mayor's office in Taejon and the gubernatorial posts in Kangwon as well as North and South Chungchong provinces. (Independents won in the city of Taegu and on the island of Cheju.) Democracy in Action While the immediate effect of the DLP's drubbing was to breathe new life into the political careers of Kim Dae Jung and Kim Jong Pil, the elections also propelled a new generation of political leaders onto the national scene. These rising stars are building their political bases from the grassroots up, and if a sampling of victory speeches is representative, they know who put them in office and whom they have to satisfy to remain there. They are attuned to their constituents, less beholden to the older generation of autocratic party leaders, and largely devoid of ties to the old military-dominated power structure. There were other hopeful signs as well. The media, increasingly free of governmental controls since 1987, served as both the principal source of information for the voters (TV coverage, including candidate debates, largely supplanted mass campaign rallies as major media events), and as a watchdog over the process, exposing--and thereby helping to scuttle--various attempts to manipulate the process for partisan advantage. …

Abstract : For the first time since the 1961 military coup, South Koreans went to the polls on June 27th to elect provincial governors, mayors and other local officials in what was widely seen as both a midterm assessment of President Kim Young Sam and as the opening shot in the battle for the Blue House--up for grabs in 1997 at the expiration of Kim's five-year term. The results of the June local autonomy elections have dramatically altered the Republic of Korea (ROK) political landscape. The elections produced a new generation of political leaders while setting the stage for one final clash of the titans of the old guard, the three Kims--Kim Young Sam, Kim Dae Jung and Kim Jong Pil. The results demonstrate both the promise and the limitations of Korean democracy, and have important policy implications for the United States.

Part 1 Democratization - prerequisites: South Korea's experiment in democracy from authoritarianism to democracy in South Korea state reform and democracy in development. Part 2 Democratization - process: the 1988 parliamentary election in South Korea reform with no caprice - economic performance of the Roh administration political change in South Korea - the challenge of the conservative alliance new political development with a vision regionalism in electoral politics Korea under Roh Tae-woo. Part 3 Northern policy and inter-Korean relations: the strategic equilibrium on the Korean peninsula in the 1990s northern diplomacy and inter-Korean relations the republic of Korea's northern policy the two Koreas and rapprochement - foundations for progress? unification through a Korean commonwealth - blue print for a national community. Part 4 Documents.

The National Livestock Cooperatives Federation (NLCF) illustrates in microcosm tensions in formulating internal and external policy in Korea. Formed in 1981 as an offshoot of the state-sponsored agricultural cooperatives, it became independent of government in 1987 as a wave of pluralism swept Korea. Although initially formed to implement state policy and still subsidized by the state, it gradually acquired an agenda of its own and began to compete for control of assets at the local level. Even as the importance of the agricultural sector declined in the national economy, the influence of the livestock subsector rose as meat consumption rose. Its leadership now publicly opposes government policies on import liberalization.

Democratizing Dragons:South Korea & Taiwan Robert A. Scalapino (bio) On 18 December 1992, voters in the Republic of Korea (ROK) went to the polls to elect a new president. With 77 percent of those eligible casting ballots, Kim Young Sam of the Democratic Liberal Party (DLP) was the victor, receiving 42 percent of the total vote. Veteran oppositionist Kim Dae Jung of Korea's second party, the Democratic Party (DP), got 34 percent, while maverick politician Chung Ju Yung, the billionaire head of the Hyundai conglomerate and leader of the newly created Unification National Party (UNP), obtained 16 percent. All candidates were civilians, and the election was widely judged to have been the most free and fair in Korea's history. Both defeated candidates accepted the voters' verdict with grace, and when he was inaugurated on 25 February 1993 as the republic's fourteenth president, Kim Young Sam could accurately claim that a new political era had been launched.1 One day after the elections in South Korea, on December 19, elections for the National Assembly of the Republic of China (ROC) drew a turnout of 72 percent. Candidates of Taiwan's ruling Kuomintang (KMT) party obtained 53 percent of the vote and 96 of the 161 seats contested, a substantial majority but far below its achievement in the National Assembly races of the previous year. Correspondingly, the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) won 50 seats and advanced to a 31-percent share of the vote, a more than one-third increase over its 1991 showing. Independent candidates, meanwhile, received 5 percent of the vote and seven seats. Several seats were disputed.2 As in the case of the Korean elections, the Taiwan contest was a major step forward in this society of 20 million. Symbolic of that fact, [End Page 70] one of the candidates elected, Shih Ming-teh, had spent 25 years in prison for advocating Taiwanese independence and other "subversive" activities, and had been released only two years earlier. Recent political developments in these two societies should cause us to reflect upon democracy in Asia—its successes and challenges as the twentieth century nears its end. First, let me set forth the most essential components of a democratic order, which are: genuine political choice for the citizenry; the requisite freedoms to make that choice meaningful; and a rule of law. The type of political culture traditionally found throughout Asia generally promoted a different set of values. The premium was upon unity, with consensus the primary goal in decision making. Majoritarianism was a foreign concept: why should 51 percent of the people—or the policy makers—be given blanket authority to make decisions for the other 49 percent? Freedom, moreover, ranked lower than order in the scale of values, and in any case, individual rights connoted selfishness. The group—be it the family, the community, or some larger political entity—had priority, and indeed, the individual could not be considered apart from the collective whole; he was never to be seen as an entity entitled to independent rights. Further, the rule of law was usually considered less desirable than the rule of wise men. Law was a sanction, or alternatively, a goal toward which one might aim, but not a set of codes to be minutely interpreted and rigorously enforced. The borders that limited the power of rulers were the unwritten ethical practices sanctified by custom. The good ruler should be wise, beneficent, and always mindful of the welfare of his subjects—a father writ large. If he ceased to fit these prescriptions, in the words of ancient Chinese sages, he ceased to be a ruler and became a tyrant, deserving as such to be overthrown (a convenient doctrine for those who did the overthrowing). Thus to make the transition to democracy has never been easy in Asia, even when homage has been paid to the traditional culture by making various adaptations. Generally, democracy has been the product of two conditions, which sometimes act separately but are more frequently found in some combination. In certain cases, the dominant factor was the creation or transformation of an elite through extensive education, often sponsored by a colonial regime. Almost without exception...

In many respects, the events that made up the so-called 'political crisis' in Korea in 1952 deserve greater attention than has hitherto been given them. These events marked a turning-point in the constitutional history of Korea in the sense that some of the problems that had been with the government ever since its establishment became highlighted as a result of this 'crisis': controversy over the relative merits of presidential or cabinet government; conflicts between the executive and the legislature; and the power struggle between Syngman Rhee and anti-Rhee forces within the conservative camp. These problems were closely entangled with one another and with the key issue of who held power and how it was to be exercised.

The elections held on 21 December in Taiwan for seats in the National Assembly were unprecedented in a number of respects. But they prolonged the more than 40 years of overwhelming dominance of the island's politics by the ruling Kuomintang (KMT). They represented a huge leap towards a genuinely pluralist political system in Taiwan, but were marred by electoral malpractice, and distorted by the prominence of the “independence” issue, and the intervention of Beijing leaders.

This paper analyzes the macroeconomic effects of elections on the Korean economy and their future ramifications. It measures the shocks to the Korean economy caused by elections by taking the average of sample forecast errors from four major elections held in the 1980s. The seven variables' Bayesian Vector Auto regression Model which includes the Monetary Base, Industrial Production, Consumption, Consumer Price, Exports, and Investment is based on the quarterly time series data starting from 1970 and is updated every quarter before forecasts are made for the next quarter. Because of this updating of coefficients, which reflects in part the rapid structural changes of the Korean economy, this study can capture the shock effect of elections, which is not possible when using election dummies with a fixed coefficient model. In past elections, especially the elections held in the 1980s, M2 did not show any particular movement, but the currency and base money increased during the quarter of the election was held and the increment was partly recalled in the next quarter. The liquidity of interest rates as measured by corporate bond yields fell during the quarter the election and then rose in the following quarter, which is somewhat contrary to the general concern that interest rates will increase during election periods. Manufacturing employment fell in the quarter of the election because workers turned into campaigners. This decline in employment combined with voting holiday produce a sizeable decline in industrial production during the quarter in which elections are held, but production catches up in the next quarter and sometimes more than offsets the disruption caused during the election quarter. The major shocks to price occur in the previous quarter, reflecting the expectational effect and the relaxation of government price control before the election when we simulate the impulse responses of the V AR model, imposing the same shocks that was measured in the past elections for each election to be held in 1992 and assuming that the elections in 1992 will affect the economy in the same manner as in the 1980selections, 1992 is expected to see a sizeable increase in monetary base due to election and prices increase pressure will be amplified substantially. On the other hand, the consumption increase due to election is expected to be relatively small and the production will not decrease. Despite increased liquidity, a large portion of liquidity in circulation being used as election funds will distort the flow of funds and aggravate the fund shortage causing investments in plant and equipment and construction activities to stagnate. These effects will be greatly amplified if elections for the head of local government are going to be held this year. If mayoral and gubernatorial elections are held after National Assembly elections, their effect on prices and investment will be approximately double what they normally will have been have only congressional and presidential elections been held. Even when mayoral and gubernatorial elections are held at the same time as congressional elections, the elections of local government heads are shown to add substantial effects to the economy for the year. The above results are based on the assumption that this year's elections will shock the economy in the same manner as in past elections. However, elections in consecutive quarters do not give the economy a chance to pause and recuperate from past elections. This year's elections may have greater effects on prices and production than shown in the model's simulations because campaigners' return to industry may be delayed. Therefore, we may not see a rapid recall of money after elections. In view of the surge in the monetary base and price escalation in the periods before and after elections, economic management in 1992 should place its first priority on controlling the monetary aggregate, in particular, stabilizing the growth of the monetary base.

ASIAN PERSPECTIVE, Vol. 15, No. 1, Spring-Summer 1991, pp. 187-213 POLITICAL REVOLUTION IN A CULTURAL CONTINUUM: PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS ON THE NORTH KOREAN JUCHE IDEOLOGY WITH ITS INTRINSIC CULT OF PERSONALITY Geir Helgesen This paper discusses the alleged socialist ideology, called Juche, developed in North Korea. The author claims it futile to apply models based on experience in Western societies to the study of this ideology. By pointing at some similarities between Juche and traditional Korean political ideology, a way to a more realistic approach is suggested. Rethinking old political truths or ideological rectification has top priority in socialist countries throughout the world. The ongoing showdown covers all the former untouchables of orthodox Marxist and dogmatic socialist doctrines on social development. Debates and actions of reform sweep almost every socialist country, and everywhere they attack ideology. But there are still strongholds of socialist ideology in the world, among which North Korea claims to be the leading member. In that country the rethinking of Marxism and so­ cialism was already on the agenda in the years just after the formation of the socialist republic. And since then a special kind of socialist ideology has had the upper hand in relation to economics and politics. Seen from Pyongyang, the North Korean capital, this ideology, called Juche, expressess the dreams of all mankind. Foreign guests can be assured of this 188 Geir Helgesen by looking at maps where the torchlight of Juche/ marks every Juche study group around the world. While this ideology is scarcely known outside North Korea and the above mentioned groups, this paper will look at some of its aspects. The descriptions, definitions and explanations of Juche are uncountable as it is one of the main subjects of North Korean propaganda. People who have been to North Korea or who have come across any of the voluminous information and pro­ paganda material from Pyongyang, are acquainted with the word Juche. They have either seen the word in print or heard it in some connection or other. The following descriptions comprise what a North Korean party official would like to teach his foreign guests: The essential characteristic of the Juche idea which distinguishes it from all ideas of the past is that it has given scientific answers to all problems arising in hewing out the destiny of man, the popular masses, with them as the central factor (Kim, C.H., 1984: 6). The Juche idea defined man as the master who dominates the world, not merely as part of it, and thus established a new world outlook which, unlike preceeding ones, regards the world and its changes and progress with man, its master, at the centre (Kim J.I., 1982: 74-75). As can be seen, Juche is a world outlook claiming to give sci­ entific—which is supposed to mean true—answers to all the big questions in life. And the new angle is said to be that Juche takes man as its point of departure. It might be interesting to try and trace the meaning of the word Juche—its origin—before talking about the ideology which bears this rather special name. These are people who think Juche must be a person, i.e. the name of the person whose idea it is. Even North Korean officials find it difficult to give a concise definition. One senior official explained to the author: Juche is a combination of two 1. The emblem of ]uche is a torchlight. "In 1982, on the occasion of the 70th birthday of the respected leader President Kim II Sung, the author of immortal ]uche idea, the Tower of ]uche was erected in the heart of the capital city, Pyongyang" (Pang, 1987: 194-195). "The body of the 150-metre tall tower symbolizing the great leader's ideol­ ogical and theoretical contributions is capped by a 20-metre high torch as a token of the rays of Juche" {Ibid.: 195). Political Revolution in a Cultural Continuum 189 Chinese characters, Ju and Che. Ju means master, subject, the self as actor, and Che means object, thing, material. But Juche is only used in the sense of a concept in North Korea, and everybody knows what it...

ASIAN PERSPECTIVE, vol. 14, no. 2, Fall-Winter 1990, pp. 195-230 BUREAUCRATIC-MOBILIZATIONAL REGIME: THE YUSHIN SYSTEM IN SOUTH KOREA, 1972-1979 Kang Ro Lee Approaches to the Yushin Regime Change One of the intriguing questions in interpreting the entire period of the Park regime (1961-1979) is how to conceptualize the relative competitiveness of the 1960s compared to a bureauc­ ratic mobilizational Yushin system. Though Park Chung Hee seized power by a military coup on May 16, 1961, he was later elected as president three times through relatively competitive nation-wide elections before inaugurating the Yushin system. Sung-joo Han divided the whole period of Park's rule into three phases; military-ruled authoritarian, 1961-1963, semi-authori­ tarian, 1964-1971, and reauthoritarianization, 1972- , which he regarded as a bureaucratic authoritarian (B-A) regime (Kang, 1984: 39-86). The continuity of Park's rule through three dif­ ferent regime types poses a challenge to this study, especially in understanding the Yushin system after the second phase. The Third Republic of South Korea was born in December 1963 when Park Chung Hee was inaugurated as the President after narrowly defeating a civilian opposition candidate in October 1963. There had been three national elections for the presidency and the National Assembly before the Yushin coup d'etat in October 1972. The relative competitiveness of the electoral processes before the Yushin coup d'etat had at least opened the possibility of government change at the polls for the Koreans before 1972.1 Instead of evolving into a more open 1. Whether there would have taken place the actual transfer of power 196 Kang Ro Lee competitive system, the Korean political system had trans­ formed into a kind of mobilizational authoritarian regime by the 1970s.2 Thus, the question must be raised why the political order of the relative openness and contestation deteriorated into the mobilizational authoritarian Yushin system rather than developing into polyarchy? Seeking the causes of the Yushin system solely in domestic factors will leave many blank spots in the whole picture. Polit­ ical developments in South Korea during the 1970s were shaped by the interplay of international and domestic factors. However, despite the importance of the external factors (Sohn, H.K., 1988), the internal factors will be analyzed to under­ stand the advent of the Yushin system in South Korea. Given the differences among approaches to the Yushin system, there were three major groups of scholars which explained the causal processes involved.3 The first group was those scholars who pointed out the strong state as the main characteristic of the Korean polity. The strong state school4 (Cumings, 1981:11-12, and 25; Choi, J.J., 1985a; 1985b: 183-216) emphasized the Korean state which stood above civil society and directed the economic policies since the early 1960s. For this group, the Yushin regime change in October 1982 from the relative conto the opposition, if the ruling bloc lost any presidential elections remained doubtful. The unwillingness of Park Chung Hee to transfer power had shown several times: the core group of the 1961 coup leaders considered nullifying the popular votes briefly at the close counting of the 1963 presi­ dential elections and Park threatened explicitly against reluctant National Assembly members of the ruling DRP at the time of the constitutional amend­ ment in 1969 (Kim, H.W., 1987: 75-84, 265-276; Lee, Y.S., 1983: 130-136). 2. Huntington predicted the Third Republic to be institutionalized as a stable government reviewing the Park government in the mid 1960s. Se-Jin Kim also urged the Park government in 1970 to decentralize the system and rejuvenate regime morale to avoid a possible regime degeneration because the Third Republic had achieved some degree of institutionalization (Huntington, 1968: 258-261; Kim, S.J., 1971: 167-168). 3. Chang proposed three approaches to explaining the Yushin regime change: i) the B-A model, ii) the over-developed state, and iii) his own, stressing the political crisis of the Third Republic which had lost its revolu­ tionary dynamics after the successful coup (Chang, D.J., 1986: 225-227). 4. With what he called Bureaucratic-Authoritarian Industrializing Regime, Bruce Cumings emphasized the strong state of...

This book describes the process of South Korea's search for a stable political system and analyzes the various factors that contributed to the failure of the successive Seoul regimes to legitimize themselves and institutionalize the structures they had erected. In doing so, this study examines the value orientations and power positions of the major socio-political sectors of South Korean society such as party politicians, the bureaucratic elite, the military, business leaders, student activists, Christian intellectuals and workers. Careful analysis of the relationship between these groups aims to reveal their responsibility for the perennial political disturbances in South Korea.

Preface Advancing Society, Political Illegitimacy, Radicalism, and Political Culture The Rough Road To Compromise The 1987 Presidential Election: Phase One The 1987 Presidential Election: Phase Two The PostPresidential Election: The April 1988 General Election and the Birth of the Ruling Minority Party Roh and the Three Kims: From Confrontation and Cooperation into a Major Political Realignment Appendixes Suggested Readings in English on Korean Politics and Society Index

Research Article| May 01 1989 The 1988 Parliamentary Election in South Korea Hong Nack Kim Hong Nack Kim Search for other works by this author on: This Site PubMed Google Scholar Far Eastern Survey (1960) 29 (5): 480–495. https://doi.org/10.2307/2644533 Views Icon Views Article contents Figures & tables Video Audio Supplementary Data Peer Review Share Icon Share Twitter LinkedIn Tools Icon Tools Get Permissions Cite Icon Cite Search Site Citation Hong Nack Kim; The 1988 Parliamentary Election in South Korea. Far Eastern Survey 1 May 1960; 29 (5): 480–495. doi: https://doi.org/10.2307/2644533 Download citation file: Ris (Zotero) Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu nav search search input Search input auto suggest search filter All ContentAsian Survey Search This content is only available via PDF. Copyright 1989 The Regents of the University of California Article PDF first page preview Close Modal You do not currently have access to this content.

What is the relationship, if any, between the movement toward democracy in Korea and the high levels of economic development achieved there?* One obvious conclusion that arises from a consideration of the Korean case is that the relationship is not the one identified in the Western theory of '%ourgeoisU revolutions. It is questionable whether economic development in Korea has produced a genuine middle class and, even if it has, the Korean middle class does not have an interest in and demonstrably has not championed political democracy during the first five Korean republics. The Korean developmental state is not antagonistic to the interests of the entrepreneurial-managerial elite in Korea, and it is thus meaningless to speak of a private sector favoring democracy as a way of controlling the public sector. Korea's possessing class is not a ruling class in the Marxist sense; it is rather the collaborator of a military-bureaucratic elite in a joint project of nationalist development. This configuration of political economy is quite compatible with authoritarian government for extended periods of time.

The Democratic People's Republic of Korea (North Korea) is the final remaining example of a socialist political system of the Stalinist type, unleavened by economic reform or ideological self-doubt. Achieving rapid economic and social transformation in the 1950s and 1960s after the devastation of the Korean war, and skilfully managing a unique equidistance between the major socialist powers following the Sino-Soviet split of 1960, North Korea has since succumbed to a numbing political sclerosis. The all-encompassing family cult centred on the President and General Secretary of the Korean Workers' Party, Kim I1 Sung, has closed off reforming initiatives by insisting, in a way strongly reminiscent of the socialism of a former era, on the absolute correctness and continuing applicability of all past policy and ideology. At a time when other socialist systems are experimenting with economic and even political reform, the North Korean answer to all problems remains to exhort the masses to yet further effort and to ensure the continuing ideological purity of cadres and party members. As far as the present leadership of North Korea is concerned, this state of affairs is to continue 'generation after generation', Kim I1 Sung contriving in a procedure begun in 1973 to hand power on to his son, Kim Jong I1. It will be argued here, however, that North Korea is likely to experience a succession crisis upon the demise of the present leader. The unique political structure of North Korea is unlikely to sustain a hereditary succession within its present ideological and policy parameters, particularly in view of the new and complex problems with which the leadership must deal. Perhaps the most important of these problems is the challenge of the Republic of Korea (South Korea) whose political system is also in the throes of a difficult political transition. Political succession in the South will also be analysed with a view to predicting its likely impact on Pyongyang.

By any measure, 1987 was a momentous year for South Korea. Running against the political clock of President Chun Doo Hwan's expiring seven-year term in February 1988 and the international clock of the Seoul Olympics to follow in the summer, events moved briskly. From massive protests in the spring to government capitulation in June, from the negotiations for a new constitution to its adoption in October, the world watched as developments culminated in December in the first election of a president by direct popular vote in 26 years. The economic situation seemed to favor South Korea's difficult but inevitable transition to democracy. Following a successful year in 1986, the South Korean economy continued to record a healthy growth, accompanied by a large trade surplus. Both politically and economically, South Korea moved one giant step closer to joining the ranks of advanced, democratic countries of the world. But at the same time, the Korean people braced themselves to face uncertainties ahead, as political consensus was far from realization at home and economic prospects abroad appeared rather bleak.

After years of student demonstrations in South Korea, the first few weeks of the spring semester of 1987 were unusually quiet. Knowledgeable faculty and administrators remarked with puzzlement on the calm. Explanations noted the discredit that had accrued to recent left adventurist tactics and also a wait-and-see attitude on the part of the students while rival political groups sparred over constitutional reform. The rigors of late winter were also mentioned. As the spring progressed, South Koreans watched the political opposition fragment over the issue of presidential selection. So deep did these fissures become that the opposition party ultimately divided. Shortly thereafter, on April 13th, President Chun Doo Hwan announced the suspension of further constitutional debate until after the 1988 Olympics. He also proclaimed a prohibition on discussion of the subject and of his decision. At that point student passions resurfaced. What followed was one of the most violent periods of student activity in Korean history. It was joined by increasing expressions of dissent from the population as a whole and by intense behind-the-scenes maneuvering by a number of groups, including representatives of the U.S. government. The culmination of this activity was the humiliating June 29 retreat by the governing party from President Chun's decision. Unrest continued, however, with a massive funeral demonstration in early July for Lee Han Yul, a Yonsei University student killed by tear gas canister fragments, and with demonstrations into the summer by workers demanding better pay and working conditions.

In view of the importance of Parliamentary System and legislation, this paper tries to examine the formal legislative procedure and its actual workings in the National Assembly of the Republic of Korea in order to find out some characteristic features of the legislative process and to suggest some improvements of the current practices. We found that the characteristic features of legislative procedure in the Korean National Assembly are as follows; First, deliberations at the standing committees occupy the central importance in the entire legislative process. Second, those legislative procedures which require open-door sessions have usually been inaccessible by the public due to short notice and lack of practice of public hearings. And thus the sub-committees have been held either at a closed-session, or at a corner of the lobby, excluding many aspirants of observers. Third, judicial review and presidential veto as a check and controlling mechanism on the law making process have played very insignificant role. Fourth, the Executive Branch has the superior position in the legislative process compared with the Legislative Branch; that is, the Executive Branch can exert greater influence in the submission, deliberation, and passage of the bills. Finally, the 38.1% 1,467 laws of the total 3,853 laws promulgated by the president have been propose by non-representatives. This may be one of the reasons why the general public has low respect and trust in the legislative process and the parliamentary democracy.

Modern Korean nationalism emerged from a process of reform and reexamination of Korean society and history sparked by the confrontation with Western powers in the latter half of the nineteenth century. The evolution of a nationalist ideology involved an iconoclastic reevaluation of accepted political theories and institutions. In particular, the Confucian social system, the Korean folk tradition, and the traditional Korean relationship with China were subjected to extensive criticism and reevaluation. In the writings of nationalist intellectuals between 1896 and the early 1920s can be traced the development of a new Korean nationalism which attempted to blend Western political theories and indigenous Korean political patterns.

Research Article| September 01 1985 The 1985 Parliamentary Election in South Korea B. C. Koh B. C. Koh Search for other works by this author on: This Site PubMed Google Scholar Far Eastern Survey (1956) 25 (9): 883–897. https://doi.org/10.2307/2644417 Views Icon Views Article contents Figures & tables Video Audio Supplementary Data Peer Review Share Icon Share Twitter LinkedIn Tools Icon Tools Get Permissions Cite Icon Cite Search Site Citation B. C. Koh; The 1985 Parliamentary Election in South Korea. Far Eastern Survey 1 September 1956; 25 (9): 883–897. doi: https://doi.org/10.2307/2644417 Download citation file: Ris (Zotero) Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu toolbar search search input Search input auto suggest filter your search All ContentAsian Survey Search This content is only available via PDF. Copyright 1985 The Regents of the University of California Article PDF first page preview Close Modal You do not currently have access to this content.

BOOK REVIEWS103 view than most others. Ten issues, covering virtually all aspects ofthe relationship, have been defined including, among others, mutual perceptions, economic relations , the early period of diplomatic relations, and the current security dimension. The second feature which distinguishes this volume is its organizational focus. Each issue has, Hegelian-style, both a Korean and an American rapporteur giving contrasting views on a single issue. While it is not possible within the space ofa short review to discuss adequately the full range of ideas presented in the twenty-one articles that make up the volume, some can be summarized briefly. The volume begins with an informed set of comments by Senator Charles Percy which sets forth his reasons for opposing the Carter troop withdrawal. In essays looking at the early years ofthe relationship, Claude Buss, Robert Scalapino, and William Gleysteen all argue that American noninterference in the Japanese takeover of Korea was the correct policy at the time because it was not in our national interest to intervene. Edward Wagner and Ko Byong-ik explore the reasons why Koreans tended to like the United States, citing its nonacquisitive nature, the character ofits people, and the democratic nature ofits political institutions . In one of the few essays that breaks new ground in scholarship, Lew Youngick makes a strong case that Japan and the United States followed parallel policies in Korea before 1905. Another notable contribution comes from Michael Kalton, who argues that the United States has much to learn from Korea, reversing the usual order of things, and that what the United States needs is a little dose of Confucianism. William Watts ably documents American ignorance ofKorea. Park Kwon-sang uses literature to reflect upon the perceptions of America among Koreans. Gari Ledyard provides an insightful view ofthe unification of Koryö and Silla, and compares their policies to the current unification policies of North and South Korea. David Steinberg argues that indigenous factors were more responsible for the economic miracle of Korea than American aid, while Cho Soon takes the opposite view. If there is one theme running through most of the articles, it is, not surprisingly , that the relationship has been and remains out ofbalance. The only weakness of the volume is the lack of any treatment of United States relations with North Korea. In such a comprehensive volume, this omission is somewhat puzzling and creates its own imbalance. Wayne Patterson Saint Norbert College The Legislative Connection: The Politics ofRepresentation in Kenya, Korea and Turkey. By Chong Lim Kim, Joel D. Barkan, liter Turan, and Malcolm E. Jewel. Durham, North Caroline: Duke University Press, 1984. 400pp. $39.75. This work is the result of seven years of research formulation and field surveys by a crossnational team of highly competent and experienced scholars. In addition to the principal authors, others involved included John J. Okumu (Tanzania); Seong- 104BOOK REVIEWS Tong Pai (Korea); Ahmet Yücekök (Turkey); Leonard Ngugi (Kenya); J. O. Kimoro (Kenya); Young W. Kihl (United States); Byung-Kyu Woo (Korea); and Terfik Cavdar (Turkey). Also contributing were various academic institutes and other scholars in the countries studied and at the University of Iowa. The results are impressive, in that a large mass offindings has been carefully correlated and made fairly coherent. Focus is on national legislative bodies in Kenya, the Republic of(South) Korea, and Turkey. The methodology is in the V.D. Key tradition of interviewing politicians—in this study there was sampling of legislators, local elites (often called "notables" in the text), and constituents. The analysis rests on the assumption that the countries surveyed are not highly developed democratic polities: "If the legislature in most developing countries is either not permitted to exist or not permitted to exercise a significant and independent role in the making ofpublic policy, what functions does the legislature perform in these political systems? What are its prospects for survival as an institutionalized part of these political systems? And what, if any, is the significance of these powerless organizations for the developmental process" (p. 8). The answer to these question is "linkage"—the relationship between legislators and the general public, as well as between legislators and local elites. The authors contend convincingly...

Corporatism in North Korea BRUCE CUMINGS THE LEADER AND THE BLESSED EVENT Jtvim Il Sung is now seventy-one, born on an inauspicious date, at least from the Western perspective: April 15, 1912, the day the Titanic sank. Now that Tito has died, Kim has the longest tenure of any head of state in the world. This fact is noted by the North Korean press with typical modesty: The proud heroic epic recorded in the annals of Juche Korea is the great history which can be created by none other dian the respected and beloved leader Comrade Kim Il Sung possessed of unexcelled extraordinary wisdom and outstanding art of leadership. His steadfast stand of Juche and revolutionary principle and unshakable iron will have been die source of the inexhaustible strengdi that adorned the history of the Korean revolution, most arduous and rigorous ever known, widi heroic events. He, with an insight into the fundamental principles of the revolution, the demands of the times and die desire of the people, founded die immortal Juche idea. . . . He dius provided our people widi the great guiding idea for revolution. Our people owe everytiiing to Kim Il Sung's rare wisdom and stratagem, exceptional organizational ability and extraordinary revolutionary sweep. . . . With the great leader possessed of unexampled clairvoyance standing at tiieir head, our people have always been able to fight.1 Delivered at the 1981 Annual Meeting of die American Political Science Association, New York Hilton Hotel, September 3-6, 1981. My thanks to Daniel Chirot and James Palais for their comments. 1. Nodong sinmun, Apr. 10, 1978; Korean Central News Agency, Apr. 13, 1978 (hereafter, KCNA). I have sought to check KCNA English-language articles 269 270Journal ofKorean Studies For the accolades that truly match this leader's sagacity, the Koreans prudently let foreigners do the talking: Immortal Kimilsungism is throwing brilliant rays all over the universe as the highest revolutionary idea representing die present era and the future of mankind . . . . As you die Great Leader, die Sun of Juche, are standing high in the centre of the era, tightly holding the control stick of history, the world revolution is daringly racing ahead on die track of Juche, despite the rowdyism of imperialism [the U.S.] and dominationism [the U. S.S.R.] .... You the Great Leader Comrade Kim Il Sung are, indeed, die great tiiinker and dieoretician . . . the genius of creation and construction . . . with the art of contracting time, and die blessed Sun of all peoples.2 A typical issue of the Nodong sinmun, the newspaper of the Korean Worker's party, will feature on the front page a quote from "a certain Pak, peasant in South Korea," who was heard to say, "Kim Il Sung, the respected and beloved leader, is indeed our iron-willed, ever-victorious commander-in-chief." Nearby will be a statement from the head of the Institute for the Study of Juche in, say, Burundi: "Great Kimilsungism is shining rays across the world." A full-page editorial of about sixty paragraphs will have between thirty and forty of them beginning with the phrase, "Our respected and beloved great leader Kim Il Sung. . . ," using every possible honorific in the Korean language. Quotations from the Leader are usually in boldface. Monthly periodicals, whether dealing with politics, social sciences, or culture, will simply reproduce the precipitate of articles in Nodong sinmun for the month, in endlessly repetitious articles featuring quotes from Kim on every page. Prizes for arts and letters go almost exclusively to artists who extol Kim's merits. Two decades ago books could be written after an obligatory quote from Kim on the frontispiece, but now most books on contemporary politics, economics, or society quote him on page after page. The Dictionary of Politics begins with a long section on Kim's life, while ordinary language dictionaries illustrate the meaning of words as follows: "benevolent: chaaeroun. Lead a happy life under the benevolent care of the fatherly Leader."3 Gigantic statues of Kim greet visitors to Korea: some are sixty feet tall. Ceremonious tablets mark Kim's visits for "on-the-spot guidance": more than two hundred such with die Korean original in Nodong sinmun where possible; however...

Symposium· POLITICAL PARTICIPATION IN KOREA The following articles were originally presented at a conference on political participation in Korea held at the University of Washington in Seattle on February 8-10, 1975. The conference was sponsored jointly by the University of Washington's School of International Studies and the Joint Committee for Korean Studies of the Social Science Research Council and the American Council of Learned Societies . The authors benefited greatly from the useful discussion and criticism of their colleagues at the conference. The other participants in the conference were as follows: Chong Lim Kim, Jae-on Kim, Byung Chul Koh, Roger Benjamin, Young-hwan Kihl, Sungjoo Han, Chae-Jin Lee, and Sung-il Choi. Political Participation in Traditional Korea, 1876-1910 JAMES B. PALAIS 1 he purpose of this historical survey is to identify those aspects of political participation in the period from the opening of Korea in 1876 to the Japanese annexation in 1910 that will aid our understanding of subsequent political changes and contemporary South Korean politics. Since liberation from colonial rule in South Korea a severely authoritarian political system has been created with power concentrated in a monarchical presidency aided by a centralized bureaucracy, secret police, regular police, and a large military establishment . This system has been formed despite the adoption of the structure and ideology of constitutional representative democracy. Over two decades of experience with elections, political party organization , and parliamentary procedure have led to the subordination of those institutions to the agencies of centralized authoritarianism. The rapid growth of cities and urban population, literacy and education, communications, transportation, and commerce have also not succeeded in creating a participant political system. What appears to have been a growing participant culture in the cities has not been powerful enough to combat the authoritarian apparatus while the countryside appears conservative, quiescent, and manipulable. Although study of the late Yi dynasty will obviously not supply complete or sufficient explanations for the current low level of political participation in South Korea, it should aid our investigation to know whether the conservatism of traditional society inhibited the spread of new ideas and institutions and thereby delayed the extension of participation to large numbers of people and the creation of political or other associations for the mobilization of an emergent and politically conscious population. Is there any historical precedent for the repression of fledgling participant political movements by an authoritarian political structure and what conclusions can we draw about the 73 74Journal of Korean Studies relationship of the political environment to the growth of participation ? Why have Westernized intellectuals, peasant rebels, or extragovernment elites in general not been more successful in creating political institutions that could form a basis for mass participation and intrude themselves into the political system? Has the urban-rural gap in political participation and mobilization in South Korea been a continuation or a reversal of historical trends, and why did late dynastic peasant rebellion and nationalism not lead to a more politically active peasantry? Finally, what role has nationalism played in the creation of political consciousness and participation in the past? With few exceptions the literature on political participation has been concerned with explaining the nature and functioning of Western democratic political systems. The lead in this research has been taken by behavioralists determined to discover by empirical investigation whether Western political systems previously deemed democratic do indeed function in accordance with one strain of democratic theory that holds that mass participation is both a feature of and a necessity for any democratic political system. In general, the research on political participation in the West has reached a consensus that no matter how one defines political participation—whether as voting, campaigning, contacting officials or representatives, associational activities, engaging in political discussion, or influencing political -decisions—the levels of participation are much lower than expected and that even in supposed democratic states the actual participants are minorities, elites, or fractions of the population usually consisting of those with high socioeconomic status and education. Some have concluded that, given the necessity for elected representatives in large nation-states and the propensity of most citizens to be concerned primarily with economic and other matters directly affecting them rather than with...

N ITS 1973 REPORT, covering the year ending August 1973, the United 1Nations Commission for the Unification and Rehabilitation of Korea (UNCURK) declared that, in the light of developments during the year, in its considered judgment [its] presence in Korea is no longer required, and accordingly recommended its own dissolution.' The report and recommendation were submitted to the General Assembly and approved without debate on November 28, 1973,2 some 23 years after the Security Council had created the Commission and charged it with the responsibility of representing the U. N. in bringing about the establishment of a unified, independent, and democratic government in all Korea.3 The Assembly also ratified, on November 28 without formal vote, the report of its First Committee regarding Korea; this did not recommend any U. N. action, but noted that: (i) reunification of the country should be achieved independently, without reliance on outside forces; (2) reunification should be achieved by peaceful means; (3) great national unity should be promoted.4 Nevertheless, Korea remains disunited. The dissolution of UNCURK seems to have been a U. S. gesture (for it was the U. S. that primarily supported and directed it, despite its international membership), designed to encourage improved relations between the two Korean states. In the 25 years since the victors of World War II in the Far East divided the Korean peninsula, there has been little doubt that the divi-

Research Article| December 01 1973 The Electoral Reform, the New National Assembly, and Democracy in South Korea: A Functional Analysis Sung-il Choi Sung-il Choi Search for other works by this author on: This Site PubMed Google Scholar Far Eastern Survey (1944) 13 (12): 1092–1101. https://doi.org/10.2307/2642670 Views Icon Views Article contents Figures & tables Video Audio Supplementary Data Peer Review Share Icon Share Twitter LinkedIn Tools Icon Tools Get Permissions Cite Icon Cite Search Site Citation Sung-il Choi; The Electoral Reform, the New National Assembly, and Democracy in South Korea: A Functional Analysis. Far Eastern Survey 14 June 1944; 13 (12): 1092–1101. doi: https://doi.org/10.2307/2642670 Download citation file: Ris (Zotero) Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu toolbar search search input Search input auto suggest filter your search All ContentAsian Survey Search This content is only available via PDF. Copyright 1973 Regents of the University of California Article PDF first page preview Close Modal You do not currently have access to this content.

A x rapid succession of events in South Korea is recent months has confounded many outside observers of political scene.' Why was martial law declared on October 19, 1972? Why constitutional amendments? What are prospects in North-South negotiations for unification of country? Since division of Korea in 1945 and resultant War, both sides have been uncompromising in their hostility. In his address to nation on October 27, 1972 announcing the draft amendments to Constitution, South Korea's President Park Chung-hee stated: Today Extraordinary State Council has deliberated and adopted draft amendments to Constitution with firm determination to bring about national stability, prosperity and unification which all of our people are so ardently desiring, and we take this occasion to announce them to At this moment, President Park continued, I sincerely pray that democracy, which best suits our situation, will take root promptly in this land and contribute to establishment of a proper constitutional order... .2 President Park's statement is ambivalent to say least. He mentions Korean democracy. He emphasizes national stability and prosperity. He underlines theme of unification as desire of all people. His very action of imposing martial law and bringing about constitutional amendments, however, amounts to emasculation of earlier constitution which he himself helped formulate and by which he was elected president of Third Republic in 1963. Whether result is economic prosperity or chaos, political stability or instability, and unification or no unification, President Park-under new constitutional framework-could make himself a lifetime president accountable to a non-partisan National Conference for Unification. Korea's democratic experiment is on trial. As a matter of fact, one could argue that

Research Article| March 01 1972 The Meaning of the 1971 Korean Elections: A Pattern of Political Development C. I. Eugene Kim C. I. Eugene Kim Search for other works by this author on: This Site PubMed Google Scholar Far Eastern Survey (1943) 12 (3): 213–224. https://doi.org/10.2307/2642874 Views Icon Views Article contents Figures & tables Video Audio Supplementary Data Peer Review Share Icon Share Twitter LinkedIn Tools Icon Tools Get Permissions Cite Icon Cite Search Site Citation C. I. Eugene Kim; The Meaning of the 1971 Korean Elections: A Pattern of Political Development. Far Eastern Survey 8 February 1943; 12 (3): 213–224. doi: https://doi.org/10.2307/2642874 Download citation file: Ris (Zotero) Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search nav search search input Search input auto suggest search filter All ContentAsian Survey Search This content is only available via PDF. Copyright 1972 Regents of the University of California Article PDF first page preview Close Modal You do not currently have access to this content.

T HE PASSAGE of the i969 constitutional amendment in the National Assembly and in the referendum marked the most significant political development in South Korea since the military coup of i96i. Often described by the opposition as the coup, the amendment has paved the way for President Park's third consecutive term. The purpose of this article is to describe the circumstances which led to the revision, to examine how and why it was passed, to analyze the five basic demands formulated by the opposition as conditions for normalizing parliamentary procedures, and to determine the effects it has had on the power-structure of the ruling Democratic Republican Party (DRP) and the opposition New Democratic Party (NDP). To understand the circumstances surrounding the revision, it is proper to begin with the factional struggle within the ruling DRP from I963 to i969.1 The first major factional group, known as the Main Current, included Colonel Kim-the architect of the coup-and his former South Korean CIA associates who secretly initiated the formation of the DRP during military rule. Their immediate objective was to monopolize power for themselves in the civilian government under President Park after the i963 general election. Their ultimate goal was to run Colonel Kim for president when Park's second term expires in I97I. The DRP was the basis of their strength and was to become the center of power so that it could be used as the key vehicle for Kim's presidential candidacy. This plan antagonized many neutral army officers as well as some of those in the junta who had engineered the coup with Kim. Although Kim's opponents initially refused to join the DRP, most of them were eventually brought into it when given some key positions in the party. Many of the anti-Kim officers became DRP assemblymen after the i963 general election; they were then joined by many old-line politicians in the Assembly, who had been elected under the DRP label. The second major group (designated anti-Main Current) was a loose

Journal Article The Korean War and American Politics: The Republican Party as a Case Study. By Ronald J. Caridi. (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1968. 319 pp. Illustrations, notes, appendix, bibliography, and index. $10.00.) Get access Richard L. Watson, Jr. Richard L. Watson, Jr. Duke University Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar Journal of American History, Volume 56, Issue 4, March 1970, Pages 953–954, https://doi.org/10.2307/1917584 Published: 01 March 1970

SOUTH KOREA The year 1968 was one of consternation and apprehension for South Korean people. Previous hopes for making it into the year of construction waned in light of aggressive posture of North Korea. The fear of another internecine war and subsequent search for new means of security occupied efforts of South Korean leaders, who have become increasingly apprehensive because they know little of North Korea's intentions and because they fear outcome of Vietnam peace negotiations in Paris. The settlement of Vietnam conflict is closely tied to problems of Korea's own defense and economic development. The possibility of a coalition government in South Vietnam and neutralization of area has frightened anti-Communist Korean leaders. Their apprehension was further aggravated by fear that new U.S. administration might drastically alter American policy toward Korea and that Korea might be left alone as a helpless orphan in Asia, product of a new U.S. isolationism. In visualizing 1968 as the year of construction, South Korean leaders were aiming at Korean leadership of Asian industrialization. The first year of Second Five-Year Plan (1967-1971) had just ended with an overall economic growth of 8.9% and a GNP of 1,245,100,000,000 won. Per capita GNP had increased from 9,985 won in 1960 to 41,806 w6n ($143) in 1967.1 The value of exports had exceeded $350 million, mostly from manufactured goods. Furthermore, nation's six-month political impasse over fraudulent June 1967 elections had finally ended on November 29, 1967. The normalization of political climate and end of major opposition party's boycott of National Assembly stirred new hope that 1968 would be another year of progress. South Koreans were shocked, therefore, when a 31-member North Korean commando team almost succeeded in assassinating President Park Chunghi on January 21, and when, three days later, U.S.S. Pueblo was seized by North Korea. The Northern regime claimed that ship had intruded

A REVIEW OF RECENT studies on South Korean politics indicates that there have been really no systematic attempts either to study parties empirically or to view them analytically in the context of For example, one is struck with the inadequate attention given to the vital question of why parties in South Korea have been so ineffective in the process of and social change. This article attempts to fill some of these gaps. It is generally agreed that the origin of parties is closely bound up with the general process of modernization and that the degree of development of a party system can serve as a useful institutional index of a level of development.1 To be sure, there exists a wide variety of assumptions about the meaning of and the attempt to devise a unified and objective conception of development is not an easy task. Despite increasing acceptance of the term political development, or political modernization, in recent years, its currency is still not universal even among scholars, and its meaning is not always made precise by those who accept the word.2 But there is nothing to be gained at this point by attempting a systematic definition of the term political development. For the moment it is probably most useful to isolate some selected problems of such as the crisis of participation.3 For it is precisely in this area that parties can play a crucial role by linking the individual citizen to the government. Thus the emergence of a party, whether in democratic or totalitarian systems, clearly implies that the masses must be taken into consideration by the ruling group. What is im-

This paper is a study of contemporary Korean politics with special reference to the issues and politics during the Korean-Japan treaty crisis of 1964-1965, against the background of the historical, social, political and other critical determinants that have influenced the political behavior of Koreans and shaped the Korean political culture, system and process. By utilizing a combination of various research methods and techniques of social science, this paper examines political parties, political elites, major groups, and their roles in the political process of Korea in an effort to shed new and systematic light upon some selective aspects of the Korean politics and to advance some generalizations about Korean politics. With the examination of these aspects, this paper purports to explain the problems and causes of the chronic crisis of political legitimacy, the instability of political system, and the incapacity of political institutions and organizations in resolving national issues through normal political and constitutional process which were dramatized by the prolonged and acute political crisis during the treaty struggle when the extreme confrontation between the opposing forces and the mass movement in the streets had brought about a virtual breakdown of the normal political process and the constitutional order.

Research Article| January 01 1968 Korea: Election Year Soon Sung Cho Soon Sung Cho Search for other works by this author on: This Site PubMed Google Scholar Far Eastern Survey (1939) 8 (1): 29–42. https://doi.org/10.2307/2642511 Views Icon Views Article contents Figures & tables Video Audio Supplementary Data Peer Review Share Icon Share Facebook Twitter LinkedIn MailTo Tools Icon Tools Get Permissions Cite Icon Cite Search Site Citation Soon Sung Cho; Korea: Election Year. Far Eastern Survey 5 January 1939; 8 (1): 29–42. doi: https://doi.org/10.2307/2642511 Download citation file: Ris (Zotero) Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu toolbar search search input Search input auto suggest filter your search All ContentAsian Survey Search This content is only available via PDF. Article PDF first page preview Close Modal You do not currently have access to this content.

W HEN THE KOREAN VOmTS chose their President and National Assembly members in i967, they were participating in the second election which was held under the constitution of the Third Republic of Korea. The presidential election was held on May 3 and the National Assembly election on June 8. Twenty years of political struggle preceded these elections in which the Korean voters chose their sixth President and seventh National Assembly. Liberation from Japanese control in 1945 meant foreign military occupation by the U.S. Armed Forces south of the 38th parallel and the Red Army of the Soviet Union in the north. It also meant the division of the peninsula and the establishment of implacably opposed governments in the north and south. The outbreak of the Korean war in I950 was an outcome of that division and the trauma of independence for the South Korean Republic is still apparent in its general political instability. Since independence the country has had three republics and three constitutions. The autocratic rule of the First Republic of Syngman Rhee was toppled by the student rebels who protested the rigged election in ig60. In i96i, the Second Republic of Chang Myon and Yun Po-son, which had ruled for about a year, was overthrown by a military coup. For about three years thereafter, the country was under the rule of military junta and in i963 the Korean voters approved a junta-sponsored constitution. In the subsequent elections for President and members of the National Assembly, Pak Chong-hi who headed the junta government was elected President, and his Democratic-Republican Party (DRP) won a majority of the seats in the National Assembly.' This article analyses the i967 elections. What is the meaning of the landslide victory for the government party in these elections? (See Tables I and II.) Is there a discernible pattern of political development in Korea ?2 What

For nearly two decades, Kim Il-song has been the chairman of the Korean Worker's Party, the Premier of the Democratic Republic of Korea, and the Supreme Commander of the Korean People's Army. There can be no doubt that he is the supreme ruler of North Korea. He has not only successfully skirted various attempts to unseat him, but displayed considerable agility and skill in manipulating internal and intrabloc discord. Kim is indeed a man with an instinct for power and survival. And yet, few dictators in modern history have had so much difficulty in having their credentials accepted. If charisma involves a widespread and spontaneous acceptance of the leader's political legitimacy, Kim Il-song did not possess this quality when he was enthroned in 1945. Whether the intensive propaganda campaigns launched on his behalf after 1945 produced any meaningful change is still a matter for conjecture.

Since the April 1960 student-led revolution there, debate in South Korea on the peaceful unification of the two Koreas has increased in frequency, intensity, and popularity among students, intellectuals, political parties, and other social groups. Popular support for independent and peaceful unification is rapidly mounting. This changing mood may be due to more effective North Korean propaganda as well as to the unhappy economic conditions in South Korea. In response to North Korea's aggressive unification campaign, the ROK (Republic of Korea) government has found it necessary to set up a research organization dedicated solely to the study of problems of unification.

Research Article| March 01 1964 Significance of the 1963 Korean Elections C. I. Eugene Kim C. I. Eugene Kim Search for other works by this author on: This Site PubMed Google Scholar Far Eastern Survey (1935) 4 (3): 765–773. https://doi.org/10.2307/3023564 Views Icon Views Article contents Figures & tables Video Audio Supplementary Data Peer Review Share Icon Share Twitter LinkedIn Tools Icon Tools Get Permissions Cite Icon Cite Search Site Citation C. I. Eugene Kim; Significance of the 1963 Korean Elections. Far Eastern Survey 13 February 1935; 4 (3): 765–773. doi: https://doi.org/10.2307/3023564 Download citation file: Ris (Zotero) Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu toolbar search search input Search input auto suggest filter your search All ContentAsian Survey Search This content is only available via PDF. Article PDF first page preview Close Modal You do not currently have access to this content.

E VEN before the outbreak of the Korean war, the program and .activities of the Japanese Communist Party were of interest to observers of Asian affairs. As the largest and most effective Communist organization in non-Communist East Asia, the Party represented a significant element in the struggle for power which has accompanied the cold war. In view of recent events, the proximity of Japan to Korea, as well as the increasing likelihood that a peace treaty of some kind will shortly be offered Japan, focuses attention on the relations of the Party with the Soviet Union and Korea. Unique circumstances permit fuller knowledge of the past workings of the Communist movement in Japan than of similar movements elsewhere in Asia. After a precarious illegal existence of more than twentyfive years, the Japanese Communist Party made its initial appearance in 1945 as a legal political party. For nearly five years thereafter, a continuous stream of Communist literature-political tracts, translations from foreign languages, reminiscences of Party leaders, and official and unofficial Party histories-circulated in Japan without interference from the government or the Occupation. In addition, the destruction of the police-state apparatus brought to light a substantial number of Japanese government records pertaining to the Communist Party, records once marked confidential or secret.' Moreover, the men who formerly led the revolutionary movement in Japan or represented it abroad have for the most part survived the war and government repression.2 Analy-

Research Article| June 23 1948 Behind the Korean Election Benjamin Weems Benjamin Weems Search for other works by this author on: This Site PubMed Google Scholar Far Eastern Survey (1948) 17 (12): 142–147. https://doi.org/10.2307/3022008 Views Icon Views Article contents Figures & tables Video Audio Supplementary Data Peer Review Share Icon Share Facebook Twitter LinkedIn MailTo Tools Icon Tools Get Permissions Cite Icon Cite Search Site Citation Benjamin Weems; Behind the Korean Election. Far Eastern Survey 23 June 1948; 17 (12): 142–147. doi: https://doi.org/10.2307/3022008 Download citation file: Ris (Zotero) Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu toolbar search search input Search input auto suggest filter your search All ContentAsian Survey Search This content is only available via PDF. Article PDF first page preview Close Modal You do not currently have access to this content.

Research Article| May 05 1948 The Cold War: Korean Elections Yongjeung Kim Yongjeung Kim Search for other works by this author on: This Site PubMed Google Scholar Far Eastern Survey (1948) 17 (9): 101–102. https://doi.org/10.2307/3022204 Views Icon Views Article contents Figures & tables Video Audio Supplementary Data Peer Review Share Icon Share Facebook Twitter LinkedIn MailTo Tools Icon Tools Get Permissions Cite Icon Cite Search Site Citation Yongjeung Kim; The Cold War: Korean Elections. Far Eastern Survey 5 May 1948; 17 (9): 101–102. doi: https://doi.org/10.2307/3022204 Download citation file: Ris (Zotero) Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu toolbar search search input Search input auto suggest filter your search All ContentAsian Survey Search This content is only available via PDF. Article PDF first page preview Close Modal You do not currently have access to this content.

Research Article| June 02 1948 The Korean Election Robert T. Oliver Robert T. Oliver Search for other works by this author on: This Site PubMed Google Scholar Far Eastern Survey (1948) 17 (11): 131–132. https://doi.org/10.2307/3021390 Views Icon Views Article contents Figures & tables Video Audio Supplementary Data Peer Review Share Icon Share Twitter LinkedIn Tools Icon Tools Get Permissions Cite Icon Cite Search Site Citation Robert T. Oliver; The Korean Election. Far Eastern Survey 2 June 1948; 17 (11): 131–132. doi: https://doi.org/10.2307/3021390 Download citation file: Ris (Zotero) Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu toolbar search search input Search input auto suggest filter your search All ContentAsian Survey Search This content is only available via PDF. Article PDF first page preview Close Modal You do not currently have access to this content.